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DIARY OF
GIDEON WELLES
SECRETARY OP THE NAVY UNDER LINCOLN AND JOHNSON
WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY JOHN T. MORSE, JR.
AND WITH ILLUSTRATIONS
VOLUME II APRIL 1, 1864 — DECEMBER 31, 1866
BOSTON AND NEW YORK
HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY
fltbe fltoecjftDe pre^S <£ambri&oe
1911
COPYRIGHT, 1909, AND I91O, BY EDGAR T. WELLES COPYRIGHT, I9I I, BY EDGAR T. WELLES AND HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
Published October iqn
the ::.
public lib: 7C3060A
ASTOR, LE: TILDEN POUNDS R 1934 L
DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES
IN THREE VOLUMES VOLUME II
THE MEW YOK* fUBUC LIBRARY
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CONTENTS
XVIII
APRIL, 1864
Seward and the Case of the Sir William Peel, captured in Mexican Waters — John M. Forbes's Opinions on the National Convention
— The Seymours of Connecticut — The Wilkes Court Martial ad- journed — Du Pont's Intrigues against the Department — Death of John C. Rives — The Debate on the Resolution to expel Repre- sentative Long from the House — The Matter of the French To- bacco at Richmond — Cabinet Discussion of the Financial Situation
— The Gold Panic abated — Chase's Financiering — Able Naval Officers sustain the Secretary's Course in Relation to Du Pont — Sumner on the Currency Question — An Estimate of General Banks — Halleck's Opinion of Banks — Proposed Demonstration up the James River — The Feud between Chase and the Blairs — Charges of Improprieties in the Treasury Department — Wilkes found Guilty 3
XIX
MAY, 1864
Investigating the Massacre at Fort Pillow — Cabinet Discussion of the Massacre — Rumors of the Battle of the Wilderness — Admiral Porter's Report of Banks's Mismanagement of the Red River Expe- dition — The President's Disappointment in Banks — News of the Loss of General Wadsworth and General Sedgwick — McClellan and Politics — Secretary Chase declines to pay Bills abroad in Coin — Joy over the Victory at Spottsylvania — A Visit to the Confederate Prisoners at Belle Plain — Talk with Governor Morgan on Abuses in Cotton Speculations — Trouble at the Charlestown Navy Yard
— Publication of a Forged Proclamation — Arrest of a Spaniard charged with participating in the Slave Trade — Chase on the Cotton Speculations — The Seizure of Two New York Newspapers
for publishing the Forgery 23
XX
JUNE, 1864
Fr6mont nominated to the Presidency by the Cleveland Convention — An Estimate of Fremont — General Cochrane, the Candidate for
V 1
Vice-President — Rigorous De^ federate Leaders advocated — Gathering of Delegate ^re Conven- tion — The Abduction of Arguellis — x. mention nominates Lincoln and Johnson — The R +arY Welles and Vice-President Hamlin — Fogg recai. Switzerland — His Detailed Account of the Formatio Cabinet — John P. Hale defeated for the Senate in Cauc^ Hampshire Legislature — Admiral Gregory's Unfavorable Rep the Light- Draft Monitors — The Smith Brothers of Boston chargt, with Contract Frauds — The Case of Henderson, Navy Agent — The Presidential Excursions to Army Headquarters — The Ver- dict of the Court Martial in Charles W. Scofield's Case — Chase's Management of the Country's Finances — A Letter from William Cullen Bryant in behalf of Henderson — Bryant and Godwin and the Evening Post — The Resignation of Chase 41
XXI
JULY, 1864
Governor Tod declines the Treasury Portfolio and Senator Fessenden 13 appointed — The Sinking of the Alabama — Cabinet Discussion of the Cotton Trade — The Trial of General Dix for suspending two New York Papers — The Kearsarge and the Alabama — Ignorance in the War Office as to the Confederate Invasion of Maryland — The Confederates near Washington — Watching the Fighting from Fort Stevens — Conversation with General Halleck — Solicitor Whiting on Halleck's Incompetency — The Attitude of the New York Evening Post towards the Navy Department after Agent Henderson's Removal — The Mistakes in the Light-Draft Monitors
— Thomas G. Welles goes to the Front — Greeley's Futile Inter- ference— The Unofficial Peace Movements — Blair speaks his Mind
— Talk with Solicitor Whiting on Reconstruction — Secretary Fessenden advertises a New Loan — Newspaper Attack on the Navy Department 64
XXII
AUGUST, 1864
The Fiasco at Petersburg — Welles's Lack of Confidence in Grant — Attorney-General Bates's Opinion of the Cabinet and of General Halleck — Assault of Wade and Winter Davis upon the President for omitting to sign a Reconstruction Bill — Sheridan supersedes Hunter on the Upper Potomac — Party Assessments in the Brook- lyn Navy Yard — Publication of the Niagara Peace Proceedings — Farragut passes Forts Morgan and Gaines — Count Gurowski and his Published Diary — The New Yprk Press — Depredations by the Tallahassee — Outburst of Seward in the Cabinet — Unsuccess-
CONTENTS vii
ful Peace Proposals at Richmond — The President's Opinion of Greeley — How Farragut was discovered — Du Pont's intriguing
— The Character of Chase — Politics in the Brooklyn Navy Yard — Pressure from Massachusetts in behalf of the Smith Brothers — Proposed Movement against Wilmington, North Carolina. — The Navy benefited by the Army Draft — McClellan nominated for President by the Democratic Convention 89
XXIII
SEPTEMBER, 1864
Farragut and Du Pont contrasted — New York shouting for Mc- Clellan — Political Pressure on the Brooklyn Navy Yard — The New York Collectorship — The Question of Trading with the South — Effect of the Success of Sherman at Atlanta on the Opposi- tion to Lincoln — Embarrassment caused by the Treasury's Delay in Payment of Navy Requisitions — Talk with J. M. Forbes — Chairman Raymond of the Republican National Committee — Call from a Committee in reference to the Brooklyn Navy Yard — Far- ragut asks for Rest and Shore Exercise — Embarrassment as to Command of North Atlantic Squadron — Special Cabinet-Meeting on the Subject of Abandoned Plantations — Piratical Acts of Con- federate Refugees on Lake Erie — Reception of the News of Sheri- dan's Victory at Winchester by the Opponents of the Administra- tion — Robert C. Winthrop's Unfortunate Position — Blair leaves the Cabinet — Cotton-Trading in Texas — The Elder Blair calls in reference to Acting Admiral Lee's Detachment from the North Atlantic Squadron — The Court Martial in the Case of Commander Downes — Seward and the Presidential Proclamation of Nevada's Admission as a State 132
XXIV
OCTOBER AND NOVEMBER, 1864
Seward and the Texas Cotton Matter — Arranging for an Exchange of Naval Prisoners — Fessenden on the Naval Officers — Relations of Fessenden, Stanton, and Seward — The Bounty to Enlisting Marines — Death of Judge Taney — A Call from General Banks
— Getting the Election Returns — Cabinet Discussion of the Pre- sident's Message, especially as to Reconstruction — The Discovery of Gold in the Territories and the Treasury's Fiscal Policy — Dis- cussion of the Chief-Justiceship of the Supreme Court — Resigna- tion of Attorney-General Bates — Solicitor Whiting's Aspirations — Judge Taney's Compliment of the Navy Department — The Case of the Captured Confederate Cruiser Florida — The Attitude of the New York Evening Pout towards the Navy Department — Political Tour of Governors Morgan and Morrill before the Election — The
viii CONTENTS
Labor of preparing an Annual Report — Proposal that the Navy Department take a Ship building in the United States for Japan . 165
XXV
DECEMBER, 1864
The President reads his Message in Cabinet — The Question of the Japanese Vessel — The President appoints Chase to the Chief- Justiceship — Usher's Anxiety as to his Reappointment — Blair's Political Plans — Sumner on Chase's Appointment — Sumner praises Welles's Report — Conversation with Preston King — Sew- ard's and Chase's Views on States' Rights — The Scofield Case again
— Hood's Army defeated by Thomas — The President's Leniency towards the Old Party Hacks — The Office of Vice- Admiral cre- ated — McClellan accused of Treachery in the Peninsular Cam- paign — Death of William L. Dayton, Minister to France — Dis- closure in the Newspapers of Plans for the Wilmington Expedition
— An Arrest in the Case urged — The President's Disposition to mitigate Punishment and grant Favors — An Instance of his Kind- ness — The Capture of Savannah — The Japanese Difficulty — The Question of the Right of Congress or the Courts to call for Executive Documents — Failure of Butler in the Wilmington Ex- pedition 190
XXVI
JANUARY, 1865
The Peace Mission of the Blairs — Sherman's Captured Cotton — The Wilmington Expedition — Discussion of what to do with the Ne- groes — General Butler's Dismissal from Command of the Army of the James — An Estimate of his Character — Death of Edward Everett — His Support of the Navy Department — Rejoicings over the Capture of Fort Fisher — Attitude of the Evening Post and Mr. Bryant towards the Navy Department — Stanton's Visit to Savan- nah — Southern Pride — Efforts on behalf of the Smith Brothers after their Conviction — Prospects of Peace — The Qualities of As- sistant Secretary Fox — The Constitutional Amendment abolishing Slavery passes the House 218
XXVII
FEBRUARY, 1865
Admiral Porter's Advancement — The President and Seward meet the Confederate Commissioners at Hampton Roads — A Board of Ad- miralty proposed in the House and voted down — The President's Peace Measure — Fessenden as Secretary of the Treasury — Mor-
CONTENTS ix
gan his Possible Successor — General Sherman's Ability — Mor- gan declines the Treasury Portfolio — News of the Capture of Fort Anderson — The Brightest Day in Four Years — Hugh McCulloch mentioned for the Treasury — Seward on Chase's Service in the Cabinet — Blair on Seward's Intrigues with Secessionists at the Beginning of the War 235
XXVIII MARCH, 1865
Secretary Welles assured of Reappointment — Attitude of James G. Blaine towards the Navy Department — Lincoln's Second Inaugu- ration— The New Vice-President's Rambling Speech — McCulloch appointed Secretary of the Treasury — John P. Hale made Minister to Spain — Admiral Porter on Buchanan's Secessionist Sympathies
— A Committee from Maine — Bennett of the New York Herald talked of as Minister to France — The Combination of New York Papers against the Navy Department — The President disapproves the Verdict against F. W. Smith — Mr. J. M. Forbes on the Smith Case — Paymasters' Accounts and the Appropriations — Sumner and the Smith Case — Comptroller Taylor's Action in regard to Navy Requisitions — Seward asks for a Man-of-War to carry John
P. Hale to Spain — An Interesting Statement by General Butler . 250
XXIX
APRIL, 1865
Greeley's "bleeding, bankrupt, ruined country" letter published in England — Greeley's Morbid Appetite for Notoriety — Rejoicings over the Fall of Richmond — Stanton's Account of the Sumter Dis- cussion in Buchanan's Cabinet — Seward injured in a Runaway Accident — Mutual Misconceptions of the North and the South corrected by the War — News of Lee's Surrender — Cabinet Discus- sion of the convening of the Virginia Legislature — The President's Dream — News of Lincoln's Assassination and the Attack on the Sewards — Visit to Seward's House — The President's Last Hours
— Johnson takes the Oath as President — Grief of the Colored People — Lincoln's Funeral — General Sherman's Attempt to make Peace Terms — Sherman suspected of Designs against the Govern- ment — Proposed Proclamation against Attacks on the Commerce
of the United States 271
XXX
MAY AND JUNE, 1865
McCulloch as Secretary of the Treasury — Stanton's Proclamation offering a Reward for the Apprehension of Davis and Others — The
x CONTENTS
Question of Negro Suffrage — The Trial of the Assassins of Lincoln
— The Cabinet calls on Secretary Seward — Capture of Jefferson Davis — Great Review of the Union Armies in Washington — Visit to Charleston, Savannah, and Wilmington — Grant urges Action in favor of the Republic in Mexico — The Oath administered to Appointees in the South — France and England withdraw Belli- gerent Rights from the Confederates — Death of Admiral Du Pont
— Du Pont's Differences with the Secretary — Senator Trumbull and his Relations with Lincoln — Preston King an Adviser to the President — The President overrun with Visitors — The Political Aspect of the Negro Suffrage Question — Senator Wade on the Usurpation of Power by the Executive 299
XXXI
JULY, 1865
McCulloch alarmed for the Treasury — Lack of Economy in the War Department — Sumner's Work in behalf of Negro Suffrage — The Closing of Ford's Theatre — Alexander H. Stephens's Proposed Book — Generals Grant and Sherman hostile to Maximilian's Rule in Mexico — Cabinet Discussion of the Subject — The Conspirators against President Lincoln sent to the Tortugas to await Trial — The Trial of Jefferson Davis discussed in Cabinet — The Completion of the Iron Ram Dunderberg — Ex- Vice-President Hamlin and the Navy Agency in Washington 327
XXXII
AUGUST, 1865
The Military annuls the Municipal Election in Richmond — Ex-Con- federates organizing to regain Political Ascendancy in the Recon- structed States — The Military on the Mexican Frontier — General Butler's Reconstruction Views — Resignation of Chief Engineer Stimers — His Unfortunate Connection with the Light-Draft Moni- tors — Death of Captain Percival Drayton, Chief of the Bureau of Navigation — The President's Health — Some War Department Matters — The Legislation in regard to Appointments in the South
— The Question of Pardons for ex-Confederates — The Movement against the Indians — Stanton's Body-Guard — Sumner against the Administration's Policy — Anti-Administration Operations — The Counsel for the Government in the Jefferson Davis Trial — Repub- lican Reverses in Mexico — Chief Justice Chase and the Davis Trial — Efforts to establish a Party on the Basis of Equality of the Races — Blair's Injudicious Speech — His Attack on Holt . . . 347
CONTENTS xi
XXXIII
SEPTEMBER — DECEMBER, 1865
The Negro Suffrage Question in Connecticut — Circular against Po- litical Assessments in the Navy Yards — Conversation with Denni- son, Stanton, and Harlan in regard to such Assessments — Banks nominated for Congress — Opinion of General Thomas — Wendell Phillips's Uselessness — Seward's Speech at Auburn, N. Y. — His Compliments for the Secretary and the Assistant Secretary of the Navy — Suicide of Preston King — His Character and Career — Conversation with the President on the Subject of the Congressional Caucus in regard to the Admission of Representatives from the Southern States — Fogg recalled from Switzerland — His Intimate Knowledge of the Construction of the Lincoln Cabinet — He tells the Story in Detail — The President's Message — Conversation with Sumner on the President's Reconstruction Policy — Move- ment for the Impeachment of the President — Grant's Report on his Southern Journey — Another Talk with Sumner — The Case of Pasco, Master Plumber at the Philadelphia Navy Yard — Rumor of Stanton's Proposed Resignation — Arrest of Captain Semmes ordered — Senator Morgan on Sumner and the President's Policy
— Seward's Projected Cruise — Conversation with Senator Dixon 372
XXXIV
JANUARY, 1866
The President's New Year Reception — Death of Henry Winter Davis — Seward off to the West Indies — General Webb and Louis Napoleon — The Charges against Semmes — The Shenandoah Case — Congress seems disposed to open War on the President — An Animated Conversation with Sumner — Assistant Secretary Fox to resign his Position — The Case of Naval Constructor Hoover
— Another Call from Sumner — The Semmes Case — Social Calls from Former Secessionist Sympathizers — Henry Wilson on the Question of a Break in the Party 408
XXXV
FEBRUARY, 1866
A Mixed Commission proposed to try Semmes — Judge-Advocate- General Holt — Party Politics and Reconstruction — The Demo- cratic Convention in Connecticut — Welles's Part in the Organiza- tion of the Democratic Party in Connecticut — The Naval Appro- priation Bill — Sumner makes his Weekly Call — Bancroft's Oration on the Death of Lincoln — The Freedmen's Bureau Bill —
xii CONTENTS
The President's View of the Revolutionary Intentions of the Rad- icals — The Republican Convention in Connecticut — Cabinet Discussion of the President's Veto of the Freedmen's Bureau Bill — The Senate sustains the Veto — Thaddeus Stevens and the Tennes- see Delegation — Memorial Meeting in Honor of Henry Winter Davis — The President's Speech on the Veto — A Design to attempt Impeachment of the President 423
XXXVI
MARCH, 1866
Stevens's Influence in his Reconstruction Committee — Conversation with Baldwin of the Committee — The Committee reports a Reso- lution for admitting Representatives from Tennessee — The Treas- ury Department embarrassed by the Test Oath in procuring Officials in the South — A Call from Governor Dennison in reference to a Restoration of Harmony in the Republican Party — A Talk with Senator Grimes — Attitude of Grimes and Fessenden towards the President — Cabinet Discussion of the Fenian Situation — The Connecticut Gubernatorial Candidates — General Hawley calls on Secretary Welles and on the President — Sumner on Louis Na- poleon's Action in regard to the Presidency of the World's Congress of Savants — The President vetoes the Civil Rights Bill — Cabinet Discussion of the Bill — Seward and the Proposed Purchase of the Danish West Indies — The Semmes Case — The Outlook in Con- necticut — Banks and the Use of Naval Vessels for the French Ex- position — Butler and the Grey Jacket 441
XXXVII
APRIL, 1S66
The Semmes Case — The President's Son Robert to investigate the Slave-Trade on the African Coast — The Price of the Danish Is- lands — Proclamation announcing Peace in all the Southern States except Texas — Hawley elected in Connecticut by a Small Ma- jority — The President's Kind Heart — A Call from Commodore Stockton — The Outlook for John P. Stockton's Return to the Senate from New Jersey — The Civil Rights Bill in the Senate after the Veto — Semmes 's Release decided upon — The Senate passes the Civil Rights Bill over the Veto — Senator E. D. Morgan's Vote for the Bill — Incongruous Elements at General Grant's Reception
— Talk with Theodore Tilton there — The House passes the Civil Rights Bill over the Veto — Senator Doolittle suggests Cabinet Changes — Discussion of the Cabinet Situation with the President
— Pessimistic Views of Montgomery Blair and Congressman May- nard of Tennessee — The Fenians in Maine — Seward's Dispatches
CONTENTS xiii
to United States Minister Motley in Austria in regard to the Mex- ican Situation — Conversation with Senator Trumbull on the Con- dition of the Country — General Butler's Intrigues in the Grey Jacket Case — The Programme of the Reconstruction Committee . 471
XXXVIII
MAY, 1866
Cabinet Discussion of the Reconstruction Programme of Congress — Stanton's Position — Publication of the Discussion — Mr. Welles mentioned for Senator from Connecticut — Colorado admitted to the Union — The Objections to her Admission — The Question of sending a Naval Vessel to attend the Laying of the Atlantic Cable
— Captain S. P. Lee objects to his Appointment as Commandant of the Mare Island Navy Yard, and Mr. Blair asks for Considera- tion for his Son-in-Law — The Senatorial Situation in Connecticut
— Assistant Secretary Fox's Proposed European Trip — A Call from Captain Lee — Cordial Farewells from Fox — The President and his Cabinet serenaded — Speeches of the Cabinet Officers — Captain Lee's Orders to the Mare Island Navy Yard revoked — His Intrigues — Death of General Scott — His Influence on the President at the Beginning of the War and his Relations with Seward — A Constitutional Amendment reported to the Senate . 495
XXXIX
JUNE, 1866
The Fenian Situation on the Great Lakes — What to do with the Cap- tured Fenians — Seward's Position as a Supporter of the Adminis- tration — The President issues a Proclamation in regard to the Fenians — Attorney-General Speed's Preliminary Order — Changes in the Cabinet considered — Call for a National Convention of Friends of the Union proposed — The President reads his Message to the Cabinet — Dennison fails to concur, and the President strikes out the Concurrence Clause — Intrigues of Seward and Weed in Connection with the Convention Call — The Connecticut Senate adopts the Constitutional Amendment — Party Politics and the Convention Call 518
XL
JULY, 1866
The Reasons for Morgan's Vote on the Civil Rights Bill — A Call from Senator Morgan — The Administration's Cause injured by Ray- mond — Death of Samuel Welles — His Character and Ability — Rumor of Postmaster-General Dennison's Resignation — Blair's
xiv CONTENTS
Idea of the Radical Programme — The Radical Caucus — Denni- son's Resignation — Attorney-General Speed resigns — The Pre- sident vetoes the New Freedmen's Bureau Bill, and Congress passes it over the Veto — General Thomas requested not to interfere with Local Politics in Tennessee — Montgomery Blair fears another Civil War — The President's Position weakened by Seward's Restrain- ing Influence — Tennessee ratifies the Fourteenth Amendment — Henry Stanbery nominated as Attorney-General — Johnson's Habit- ual Reticence — The Senate passes the Resolution admitting the Tennessee Delegation to Congress — The Joy and Sadness attending Promotions — Attorney-General Stanbery takes his Seat — The Japanese Government asks for a Delay in Payment of Indemnity due Great Britain, France, and the United States — Our Course in Japan — The Army and Navy Promotions — Alexander W. Ran- dall of Wisconsin appointed Postmaster-General — Secretary Harlan sends in his Resignation — The President signs the Bounty Bill — Senator Daniel Clark of New Hampshire appointed District Judge for New Hampshire — General Dix appointed Minister to Holland 546
XLI
AUGUST, 1866
Riot in New Orleans — Conversation with Governor Pease of Texas — The Situation in that State — Further Intrigues of S. P. Lee — Suspected Participation of the Radicals in the New Orleans Disturb- ances — Rumor of a Captured Slaver — Sheridan at New Orleans — Stanton declares himself against the Philadelphia Convention — Estimate of Secretary McCulloch — Dennison's Senatorial Ambi- tions — Reception to Queen Emma of the Hawaiian Islands — The Philadelphia Convention Full and Harmonious — The New State Government in Texas established — Seward submits to the Cabinet a Peace Proclamation in Consequence — The Philadelphia Conven- tion opposed to the Retention of Stanton in the Cabinet — The President receives the Committee from the Convention — Slidell inquires on what Terms he may return to this Country on a Matter of Business — The President declines to treat with him — The President's Speechmaking Tour 567
XLII
SEPTEMBER, 1866
Itinerary of the President's Speechmaking Tour — Composition of his Party — Probable Effect of the Tour on the Political Situation — General Grant and the Copperheads — Grant goes over to the Radicals — Seward slighted by Senate and Governor at Albany — Character of the Reception in the Various Cities — Turbulence in Indianapolis — Mr. Seward falls seriously ill and is taken to Wash-
CONTENTS xv
ington — The Democrats failing to take Advantage of the Situation
— Ante-Election Pressure for Removals — Seward improving — No Disunioniat to be employed in the Navy Yards — Conversation with Senator Fogg of New Hampshire on the Subject of the Exclu- sion of States — Judge Holt, charged with Misconduct in the Trial of Lincoln's Assassins, asks for a Court of Inquiry — General Dix appointed Minister to France and also Naval Officer at New York — Samuel J. Tilden — Naval Constructor Webb and the Dunderberg
— The Aged Widow of Commodore Barney pleads for her Sou . . 588
XLIII
OCTOBER AND NOVEMBER, 1866
Letter from General Sherman indorsing the President's Policy — Esti- mate of General Dix — The Case of Jefferson Davis brought up in the Cabinet — The Suppression of the Constitutional Amendment Issue in the Philadelphia Convention — Thurlow Weed's Power de- parted — The Results of Political Inaction on the Part of the Ad- ministration — The Removal of J. G. Bolles from the Hartford Collectorship — Texas desires Protection from Indian Depredations
— The Jefferson Davis Case — Election Returns from Pennsylvania
— The Elections go against the Administration — The President in Consultation with Chief Justice Chase — Disturbances in Mary- land feared — General Sherman to accompany Minister Campbell to Mexico — Louis Napoleon and the Mexican Situation — Danger of War with France — Thaddeus Stevens as a Leader — The Out- look for Congressional Action — The President's Message . . . 606
XLIV
DECEMBER, 1866
A Call from Charles Sumner — San Domingo proposes to sell the United States the Bay of Samana — The Proposal considered in Cabinet — The Unsuccessful Radical Parade in Washington — A Call from Governor Morgan — The Michigan Senators — The Republican Caucus in Congress — Stevens, Boutwell, Grimes, Fes- senden, and Other Radicals — Senators Doolittle, Cowan, and Dixon removed from their Chairmanships — Senator Trumbull's Character — Cabinet Discussion of the Question of offering the Pope an Asylum in case he should be compelled to flee from Rome — The District Negro Suffrage Bill — Conversation with Governor Pease on the Situation in Texas — Reported Interference with North Carolina State Laws by General Sickles — The Proposed Purchase of the Bay of Samana — The Composition of Congress — Recon- struction amounts to Obstruction — Grant mentioned as a Candi- date for the Presidency — Doolittle disappointed that the President has not taken his Advice — Loss of Support consequent on the Pre-
xvi CONTENTS
sident's Speechmaking — Speechmaking on the Part of Presidents and Cabinet Ministers a Mistake — Seward's Mexican Diplomacy a Bungling Piece of Business — Radical Members of Congress visit the South — The Question of Naval Courtesies towards Admiral Tucker of the Peruvian Navy — Senator Dixon seems discouraged — Sad Death of Robert G. Welles 629
ILLUSTRATIONS
Abraham Lincoln Photogravure frontispiece
From a photograph taken in 1864 (copyright, 1891, by M. P. Rice).
Salmon P. Chase 62
David Glasgow Farragut 116
Montgomery Blair 156
Edward Bates 182
Gustavus V. Fox 232
Hugh McCulloch 252
Abraham Lincoln 292
From a portrait hy Matthew Wilson, painted for Secretary Welles, and said to be the last portrait of Lincoln. Now reproduced for the first time by permission of Mr. Edgar T. Welles.
Samuel F. Du Pont 320
Percival Drayton 352
Preston King 386
Gideon Welles 446
Francis Preston Blair, Sr 506
William Dennison 552
DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES
VOLUME II APRIL 1, 1864— DECEMBER 31, 1866
DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES
APRIL 1, 1864— DECEMBER 31, 1866
XVIII
Seward and the Case of the Sir William Peel, captured in Mexican Waters — John M. Forbes's Opinions on the National Convention — The Sey- mours of Connecticut — The Wilkes Court Martial adjourned — Du Pont's Intrigues against the Department — Death of John C. Rives — The Debate on the Resolution to expel Representative Long from the House — The Matter of the French Tobacco at Richmond — Cabinet Discussion of the Financial Situation — The Gold Panic abated — Chase's Financiering — Able Naval Officers sustain the Secretary's Course in Relation to Du Pont — Sumner on the Currency Question — An Estimate of General Banks — Halleck's Opinion of Banks — Pro- posed Demonstration up the James River — The Feud between Chase and the Blairs — Charges of Improprieties in the Treasury Depart- ment — Wilkes found Guilty.
April 1, 1864, Friday. The Chronicle of this morning contains my letter, with some errors, to the Senate in re- sponse to a call relating to transfers. It makes some com- motion among the Members of Congress, and will cause some in the War Department, I presume.
There was nothing of special interest to-day in the Cab- inet. Stanton was not present, nor was Blair. Chase calls for largely additional taxes, which I have no doubt are necessary. There should have been heavier taxes the last two years, — at least double what have been collected. Undoubtedly demagogues will try to prevent this necessary measure for party ends, but I believe the good sense and intelligence of the people will prevail over the debasing abuse of party. I apprehend that Chase is not making the most of his position, and think he has committed some errors. No one could have altogether avoided them.
4 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [april l
Seward spoke to me concerning the case of the Sir William Peel, captured at the mouth of the Rio Grande. She had carried contraband ostensibly to Matamoras, but portions had gone direct to Brownsville, and cotton had been brought direct from that place in return. It is claimed, however, that she was captured in Mexican waters, though near the United States, and therefore Seward says she must be given up. I asked him to whom. If captured in Mexican waters, no power but Mexico could make the claim. This he undertook to deny, provided the government of Mexico was enfeebled by revolution and not able to sustain itself. But I told him if able to assert and maintain neutrality, then Mexico, and she alone, could intervene ; if not able to maintain her claim of neutrality, no other one could make a claim of Mexican jurisdiction.
I am fearful he will make a misfire on this question. He has never looked into maritime law, and will make any sacrifice of national or individual rights to keep in with England.
April 2, Saturday. John M. Forbes called. After talk- ing on one or two subjects he spoke of the National Con- vention and his regret that the call was so early, and asked me as one of the committee to reconsider the subject. Told him I would hear and consider anything from him, but that my mind was deliberately made up, and I thought the sooner the nomination was made, the better united we should be. He went over the usual ground, — if the sum- mer campaign was unfortunate, etc., etc., how could we change our candidates ? I answered we did not intend to be unfortunate, but if we were, I could not see how any differ- ent candidate would help the Union cause. Reverses might strengthen the Copperheads.
He then talked of the President, — his want of energy, decision, promptness, in consequence of which the country suffered. It was evident from what I gathered that Mr. Forbes wanted another candidate than Abraham Lincoln,
1864] THE SEYMOURS OF CONNECTICUT 5
and hence he desired delay. Forbes means well. His heart is right. He is shrewd and sagacious, but men betray their feelings and partialities unavoidably. I have no doubt he desires to have Mr. Chase a candidate, though he speaks of only Ben Butler, whom he dislikes.
Cautioned Fox to beware of yielding to the suggestions and opinions of detective Olcott, unless fully satisfied by facts in his possession. Mr. Wilson, the counsel, must advise in these matters, and nothing be done in the way of seizure and arrest but by Mr. Wilson's direction.
April 4, Monday. Heard an excellent discourse yester- day from Bishop Whipple.
Called on Stanton, respecting the letters of General Gillmore from June 12 to July 6, 1863.
Had a call from J. P. Hale respecting appointments. This man, so long a Senator, has no comprehensive or statesmanlike views. Would set aside legislative action and law because he thinks it operates hard on a lieutenant whom he knows.
April 5, Tuesday. The returns of the Connecticut elec- tion come in favorably. Buckingham is reelected by a largely increased majority, and the Unionists have two thirds at least of the Legislature. This disposes of another of the Seymours. 0. S. Seymour, the defeated Democratic candidate, has respectable abilities and industry. In the latter respect he is very different from T. H. Seymour, the last year's candidate. The latter was marked by indolence for his own from boyhood. Always lazy, proud, and opin- ionated, but with genius and a fair share of talents if put to any use. He is excessively fond of adulation, and seeks the caresses of the young and the ignorant. Origen S. is a trimmer in politics, more pliable than Tom, though each has a trait of insincerity. Eaton, who has been rather the leader of the anti-War faction, was a candidate for Repre- sentative in Hartford and defeated. It is an evidence of
6 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [april 5
returning sense among some of the community. Last year he was chosen by a majority of some three hundred. Now he is defeated.
April 6, Wednesday. Little of importance. Some move- ments by the army in contemplation, yet nothing has been communicated to the Navy Department, except an inti- mation that ironclads may be wanted on the James River. This intimation, or obscure request, comes indirectly from General Grant; nothing from the War Department proper.
April 7, Thursday. Adjourned the Wilkes court martial to-day until Monday, the 18th inst. The testimony is all in, and the case will go to judgment as soon as the argu- ments are delivered. Defense wanted eight to ten days, and the members of the Court desired to go home for a few days. Every effort has been made to evade the issues in this case and to get up false ones. All of Wilkes's long letters have been introduced, etc., etc.
April 8, Friday. Answered a letter from J. P. Hale, Chairman of Naval Committee, on the question of increas- ing the Marine Corps. In answering the inquiries of Mr. Hale, it is important to so word my communication as to leave the honorable gentleman some discretion, for he makes it a rule to oppose any measure which the Depart- ment strongly recommends. Mr. Rice, Chairman of the Naval Committee of the House, informs me of a conversa- tion he had with Hale a few days since, when he lectured Hale severely for his course. Told him that, while profess- ing to be a friend of the Administration, he exerted him- self to see if he could not in some way find fault with it, as though he could gain popularity to himself personally while denouncing the Administration and especially that branch of it with which he was more particularly identi- fied. Hale replied that he had the most implicit confidence in the integrity and fidelity of Gideon Welles, but that he had no confidence in Mr. Fox or Admiral Smith, etc., etc.
1864] DU PONT'S INTRIGUES 7
But little at the Cabinet. Neither Chase nor Blair attended. Seward says our friends in the British Ministry- are to be defeated. Told him I regretted it, but that it was not an unmitigated evil. I had not the apprehensions from it which he seemed to entertain. I certainly felt disinclined to make concessions to retain them.
Called this evening on Admiral Dahlgren, who is incon- solable for the loss of his son. Advised him to get abroad and mingle in the world, and not yield to a blow that was irremediable.
Wise, who is Chief ad interim of the Ordnance Bureau, is almost insane for the appointment of Chief, and, like too many, supposes the way to promotion is by denouncing those who stand in his way, or whom he supposes stand in his way. Mr. Everett writes to old Mr. Blair against Dahlgren. Admiral Stringham and Worden called on me yesterday in behalf of Wise and both opposed D. They were sent by Wise.
April 9, Saturday. Senator Wilson to-day and Mr. Rice yesterday called in relation to the investigations which Olcott is prosecuting in Boston. They both were moved to call by Smith brothers, who are beginning to feel un- easy. Their attacks on others, if not their wrong acts, have provoked inquiries concerning themselves. I re- marked to each of the gentlemen that the Smiths had no- thing to apprehend if they had done no wrong.
Finished draft of letter in reply to three resolutions — one of the Senate and two of the House — inquiring con- cerning the ironclads, Du Pont's attack last April, etc. The documents to be sent are voluminous. Du Pont insti- gated the inquiry, and will be very likely to regret it, not having seen my report and accompanying papers. He ev- idently thought I would not publish the detailed reports, which he had secured and prepared for a purpose, but I had communicated them with my report. Spaulding, one of the Naval Committee, allowed himself to be used in the
8 f DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES '[apmlo
intrigue, and, to his discredit, called for the documents which I had sent in with report and which had been printed before his resolution was offered, though he avers I had not presented them. Few of the Members of Congress do their work thoroughly, or give matters examination, and hence, like Spaulding, are often victimized. But Du Pont and his friend Winter Davis, like all intriguers, overrode them- selves in some of their movements. For two years Du Pont was the petted man of the Department. He has abilities and had courted and brought into his clique many of the best officers of the Navy. These always were lauding him. Those who were not of his circle were silent, and I had to form my opinions and conclusions from what I saw and heard. Fox was very devoted to him and could never do too much for him. To no man has he ever evinced more partiality. As a general thing, I have thought Fox, con- sidering his associations and prejudices formed in the service, has been fair and just towards the officers, but DuPont asked for nothing that Fox was not willing and urg- ent to have me grant, yet eventually D. turned upon him.
April 11, Monday. John C. Rives, it is stated, died yes- terday. He was a marked character, guileless, shrewd, simple-hearted, and sagacious, without pretension and without fear, generous and sincere, with a warm heart but no exterior graces. I first met him in the winter of 1829 in the office of Duff Green, where he was bookkeeper. In the winter of 1831, 1 think, we met at Georgetown at the house of Colonel Corcoran. F. P. Blair, whom I met on the same evening for the first time, had been out with Rives to try their rifles. They had first met a few days previous. Rives was then a clerk in the Fourth Auditor's office, — Amos Kendall. The latter passed the evening with us. Years later Rives and myself became well acquainted. He was first bookkeeper and then partner of Blair and made the fortunes of both.
In the House of Representatives a sharp and unpleasant
1864] FRENCH TOBACCO AT RICHMOND 0
discussion has been carried on, on a resolution introduced by the Speaker, Colfax, to expel Long, a Representative from Ohio, for some discreditable partisan remarks, made in a speech last Friday. There being an evening session, I went to the Capitol for the first time this session. Heard Orth, Kernan, Winter Davis, and one or two others. The latter was declamatory, eloquent, but the debate did not please me, nor the subject. Long I despise for his declara- tions, but Colfax is not judicious in his movement. Long went beyond the line of his party, and Colfax cannot make them responsible for Long's folly.
April 12, Tuesday. To-day have a letter from Admiral Lee respecting the exportation of French tobacco from Richmond. This is an arrangement of Mr. Seward to which I have always objected, but to which the President was persuaded to yield his assent some months ago. The subject has lingered until now. Admiral Lee says the French naval vessels and transports are at the Roads and about to proceed up the James River, and inquires if he shall keep an account of their export.
I took the dispatch to the Cabinet-meeting to ascertain from Mr. Seward what his arrangements were, but he was not present. When the little business on hand was dis- posed of, I introduced the subject to the President, who told me he had seen the dispatch to me and also one to Mr. Stanton from General Butler. He saw them both at the telegraph office, and after he got home he had sent for Fred Seward and Mr. Stanton. They appear neither of them to think the subject of much consequence, but after Stanton had returned to the War Department and read Butler's dispatch, he sent the President word that Mr. Seward ought to give the subject attention. The President had therefore told Fred Seward to telegraph his father, who is in New York, to return.
It is curious that the President, who saw Admiral Lee's dispatch to me, should have consulted the Secretary of
10 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [april 12
War and Assistant Secretary of State without advising me, or consulting me on the subject. He was annoyed, I saw, when I introduced the topic. The reason for all this I well understood. He knew full well my opposition to this whole proceeding, which I had fought off two or three times, until he finally gave in to Seward. When, therefore, some of the difficulties which I had suggested began to arise, the President preferred not to see me. It will not surprise me if this is but the beginning of the trouble we shall ex- perience.
At the Cabinet-meeting, Chase, after presenting his weekly exhibit, showing our national debt to be over six- teen hundred millions, said he should have to request the Navy Department and also that of the Interior to make no farther calls on the Treasury for coin. I told him he must provide for foreign bills which stood different from any others, and if he had paid the Interior or any other De- partment than the State and Navy, which had foreign bills, and possibly the War Department some foreign purchases, I thought it not right ; that I had experienced great diffi- culty in making California payments, but had met them, because I supposed all domestic bills were treated alike.
Chase did not meet the point squarely, but talked on other subjects, and answered some questions of the Pre- sident's about the daily custom receipts, and explained the operations of his gold dollar certificates, etc. I brought him back to the Navy matter by asking him how our pay- masters and agents were to draw abroad, — by what stand- ard of value. He said the legal-tender standard. " What is that standard," I inquired, "in Nassau, in Rio, in China, or London?"
He made me no other answer than that he was anxious to reduce the price of gold, and that something must be done to effect it. Talked of taxing bank circulation and driving it out of existence. I told him that might be a step in the right direction, perhaps, provided he did not in- crease his paper issues, but that if he issued irredeemable
1864] CABINET DISCUSSION OF FINANCES 11
Treasury paper instead to an unlimited amount, there would be no relief; that by reducing the amount of paper and making it payable in specie on demand he would bring his legal tenders and gold nearer to equality. The Presid- ent remarked that something must be done towards tax- ing the bank paper; said he did not fully comprehend the financial questions in all their bearings; made some sensi- ble inquiries of Mr. Chase concerning his issues, which were bought for custom-house purposes.
Mr. Usher made some inquiries and suggestions about bringing down the price of gold and compelling banks and others to disgorge that were worthy an old Whig of thirty years gone by. His ideas were crude, absurd, and ridicul- ous. He evidently has never given the subject attention.
Mr. Grimes and Mr. Hale had a round in the Senate yesterday. The former had the best of the debate, but still did not do himself, the Department, and the service full justice.
April 13, Wednesday. Matters press on the Depart- ment. Have been very busy. Some talk with Rice about Annapolis and the Naval School, League Island and the navy yard. Suggested that New England must not mo- nopolize and that we should avoid even the appearance of sectionalism.
Consulted Mr. Eames yesterday and again to-day in relation to the investigations into the frauds of naval contractors and others. Told him he must go to Boston to supervise Olcott, who is fierce in diving into matters and often, I apprehend, without judgment.
April 14, Thursday. The Baltimore American 'of this morning contains my report in relation to the ironclads and Du Pont. A synopsis, very brief, has been sent out by the agent of the newspapers, but the press only to a limited extent publishes even that meagre abstract. I believe the New York Tribune does not publish it or take any notice of
12 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [april 14
it. Du Pont and his satellites have been busy, and Greeley and others take such a partisan, personal view of all ques- tions that no honest or fair treatment can be expected of them in a case like this. Without ever looking at facts, Greeley has always vigorously indorsed Du Pont and had his flings at the Navy Department.
Gold is reported at 190 to-day; that is, it requires one hundred and ninety dollars of Treasury notes, Chase's standard, to buy one hundred dollars in gold, paper has so depreciated.
April 15, Friday. Chase and Blair were neither of them at the Cabinet-meeting to-day, nor was Stanton. Seward takes upon himself the French tobacco question. He wishes me to procure some one to investigate and report on the facts of the case of the Sir William Peel. I told him I thought Charles Eames as good a counsellor on prize matters as any lawyer whom I knew, and if referred to me I should give the case to Eames.
The gold panic has subsided, or rather abated. Chase is in New York. It is curious to see the speculator's conjec- tures and remarks on the expedients and subterfuges that are resorted to. Gold is truth. Its paper substitute is a fiction, sustained by public confidence in part because there is a belief that it will ultimately bring gold, but it has no intrinsic value and the great increase in quantity is undermining confidence.
The House passed a resolution of censure on Long for his weak and reprehensible speech. It is a pity the subject was taken up at all. No good has come of it, but I hope no harm. Lurking treason may feel a little strengthened by the failure to expel.
April 16, Saturday. Had a long telegram at midnight from Cairo, respecting Rebel movements in western Ken- tucky, — at Paducah, Columbus, Fort Pillow, etc. Strange that an army of 6000 Rebels should be moving unmolested
1864] CHASE'S FINANCIERING 13
within our lines. But for the gunboats, they would re- possess themselves of the defenses, yet General Halleck wants the magnanimity and justice to acknowledge or even mention the service.
There is still much excitement and uneasy feeling on the gold and currency question. Not a day but that I am spoken to on the subject. It is unpleasant, because my views are wholly dissimilar from the policy of the Treasury Department, and Chase is sensitive and tender — touchy, I may say — if others do not agree with him and adopt his expedients. Mr. Chase is now in New York. He has di- rected the payment of the May interest, anticipating that throwing out so much gold will affect the market favorably. It will be likely to have that effect for a few days but is no cure for the evil. The volume of irredeemable paper must be reduced before there can be permanent relief. He attri- butes to speculators the rise in gold! As well charge the manufacturers with affecting the depth of water in the riv- ers, because they erect dams across the tributaries! Yet one cannot reason with our great financier on the sub- ject. He will consider it a reflection on himself personally and claims he cannot get along successfully if opposed.
I remarked to Senator Trumbull, whom I met when tak- ing my evening walk last Thursday, and was inquired of, that I could hardly answer or discuss his inquiry in regard to the gold excitement, because in a conversation which we had a year or two since, when one of the bills was pending, — the first, I believe, — I had said to him I was a hard- money man and could indorse no standards but gold and silver as the measure of value and regretted and distrusted the scheme of legal paper tenders. Chase heard of that con- versation and claims I was embarrassing the Treasury.
This sensitiveness indicates what I fear and have said, viz. Chase has no system on which he relies, but is seeking expedients which tumble down more rapidly than he can construct them. He cannot stop what he and others call "the rise of gold," but which is really the depreciation of
14 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES t[april 16
paper, by the contrivances he is throwing out. The gold dollar, the customs certificates, the interest-bearing Treas- ury notes, etc., etc., are all failures and harmful and will prove so. The Secretary of the Treasury found a great and rich country filled with enthusiasm in a noble cause and full of wealth, with which they responded to his call, but their recourses and sacrifices were no evidence of financial talent on the part of the Secretary who used them.
The Secretary is not always bold, and has not enforced taxation; he is not wise beyond others, and has not main- tained the true measure of value; he resorts to expedients instead of abiding by fixed principles. By multiplying irredeemable paper and general inflation, his "ten forty" five-per-cents may be taken, but at what cost to the coun- try! He is in New York and may negotiate a loan; but if he does, it will be with the banks and, I presume, at six per cent. If so, the banks will not be able to help the speculat- ors, and they, being cramped, will suffer, and perhaps fail. The fancy stocks will be likely to fall under this operation, and the surplus money may seek government securities, but under the inflation how expensive to the country!
April 18, Monday. The steamer Chenango exploded her boilers in New York Harbor, and I feared there might have been mischief, such as [an] incendiary shell in the coal, but the reports indicate that such was not the case.
I am gratified to find so many sagacious and able naval officers sustaining me and my course in relation to Du Pont. There is no man in the service who is so skillful and suc- cessful at intrigue as S. F. Du Pont. He has his cliques and has laid his plans adroitly, and may, for a time, be success- ful in deceiving the public by artful means, but it cannot last. Truth is mighty and will prevail.
Stocks have had a heavy fall to-day in New York, and there are reported failures. It is a temporary check, I apprehend, a reaction or pause resulting from some action of Mr. Chase in New York. He has doubtless effected a
1864] THE PRESIDENT'S RECEPTION 15
loan with the banks, and they have closed on some of their customers. Money, or investments, are tending to govern- ment securities, rather than railroad and other like invest- ments, for the moment.
April 19, Tuesday. The President did not make his ap- pearance to-day in Cabinet. He was in Baltimore last evening at the opening of the fair, and is reported to have made a speech. He has a fondness for attending these shows only surpassed by Seward. Neither Seward, nor Blair, nor Chase was present with us to-day. Blair was with the President at Baltimore. Being a Marylander, there was propriety in his attendance.
April 20, Wednesday. The last public evening recep- tion of the season took place last evening at the Executive Mansion. It was a jam, not creditable in its arrangements to the authorities. The multitude were not misbehaved, farther than crowding together in disorder and confu- sion may be so regarded. Had there been a small guard, or even a few police officers, present, there might have been regulations which would have been readily acqui- esced in and observed. There has always been a want of order and proper management at these levees or recep- tions, which I hope may soon be corrected.
April 21, Thursday. There was a pleasant party at our house last evening, with an attendance of about three hun- dred. All passed off pleasantly, and all who expressed themselves seemed much gratified, as we were. It is spoken of as one of the most agreeable parties of the season.
Olcott and Wilson were here on Tuesday. The former is very full of frauds in Boston and is rabid to be at the books of certain parties. The man has an insatiate appe- tite to get on the track of suspected parties. He shows not only keen scent but much sagacity. Mr. Wilson has his
16 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [april21
oharges and specifications against the parties in New York prepared and in the hands of the copyists.
April 22, Friday. Neither Seward nor Chase nor Stan- ton was at the Cabinet-meeting to-day. For some time Chase has been disinclined to be present and evidently for a purpose. When sometimes with him, he takes occasion to allude to the Administration as departmental, — as not having council, not acting in concert. There is much truth in it, and his example and conduct contribute to it. Seward is more responsible than any one, however, al- though he is generally present. Stanton does not care usually to come, for the President is much of his time at the War Department, and what is said or done is communi- cated by the President, who is fond of telling as well as of hearing what is new. Three or four times daily the Pre- sident goes to the War Department and into the telegraph office to look over communications.
Congress is laboring on the tax bill. The Members fear to do their duty because taxation is unpopular. An old infirmity. Chase has not pressed for it heretofore for the same reason.
April 23, Saturday. We have met with some disaster in North Carolina. Am apprehensive the army has been a little delinquent.
General Butler has telegraphed to Fox, who is an old boyhood associate and acquaintance, to come down to Hampton Roads. Wants help. Asks F. to induce the Pre- sident to go down, but he declines, — wisely, I think. Troops are getting in at Fortress Monroe, and the indica- tions in this vicinity warn us that the strength is being gathered for a conflict.
Sumner called on me to-day. Had just come from Chase; spoke of the finances and currency. I told him I was a hard-money man and could not unlearn old ideas, and had no time to study new theories. He laughed and
1864] STANTON'S CABINET 17
said that things in these days must conflict with my old opinions. It is evident that our statesmen do not realize the importance nor condition of the money and currency question.
April 25, Monday. Reverses in North Carolina are bad at this time. The death of Flusser is most unfortunate. I presume the blame of the disasters will be attributed to the Navy, which, in fact, is merely auxiliary to the army. Letter-writers and partisan editors who are courted and petted by the military find no favor with naval men, and as a consequence the Navy suffers detraction.
Burnside's army corps passed through Washington, to-day, whites, blacks, and Indians numbering about 30,000. All the indications foreshadow a mighty conflict and battle in Virginia at an early day.
Fox and Edgar have gone to Fortress Monroe. Calls for naval aid and assistance come up from that quarter.
April 26, Tuesday. Sent a letter to Naval Committee in favor of an iron navy yard, transmitting former communi- cations. Action is required and should have been taken by Congress long since.
Neither Chase nor Blair were at the Cabinet to-day, nor was Stanton. The course of these men is reprehensible, and yet the President, I am sorry to say, does not reprove but rather encourages it by bringing forward no important measure connected with either. As regards Chase, it is evident he presumes on his position and the condition of the finances to press a point, hoping it may favor his aspir- ations.
Stanton has a cabinet and is a power in his own Depart- ment. He deceives the President and Seward, makes con- fidants of certain leading men, and is content to have mat- ters move on without being compelled to show his exact position. He is not on good terms with Blair, nor is Chase, which is partly attributable to that want of concert which
2
18 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [april 26
frequent assemblages and mutual counselling on public measures would secure. At such a time the country should have the combined wisdom of all.
Rear-Admiral Porter has sent me a long, confidential letter in relation to affairs on Red River and the fights that have taken place at Mansfield, Pleasant Hill, etc. The whole affair is unfortunate. Great sacrifice of life and property has been made in consequence of an incompetent general in command. It is plain from Admiral Porter's account that Banks is no general, has no military capacity, is wholly unfit for the position assigned him. He has never exhibited military capacity, and I regret the President should adhere to him. It is to be attributed in a great degree to Seward, who caused Butler to be superseded by Banks, and naturally desires he should not prove a failure, and therefore hopes and strives against facts. Banks has much of the demagogue, is superficially smart, has volu- bility and a smack of party management, which is often successful. The President thinks he has Presidential pre- tensions and friends to back him, but it is a great mistake. Banks is not only no general, but he is not much of a states- man. He is something of a politician, and a party man of his own stamp, and for his own advancement, but is not true and reliable.
There is an attempt to convert this reverse into a vic- tory, but the truth will disclose itself. The President should, if Porter's statements are reliable, dismiss Banks, or deprive him of military command.
I asked Halleck, who called on me to-day, what the army opinion was of the recent conflicts on Red River. He said we undoubtedly had the worst of it, and that Banks had no military talent or education. While I do not place a high estimate on Halleck himself, his expressed opinion of Banks corresponds with my own. Whether he will recom- mend the withdrawal of Banks from the army remains to be seen.
1864] GENERAL BANKS'S CAPACITY 19
April 27, Wednesday. The Wilkes court martial has closed its labors. The proceedings have not been reported, but, as the members are anxious to get home, I have ad- journed the court for ten days, unless sooner convened or dissolved.
George Bliss, Jr., counsel for Scofield, who is under arrest as a fraudulent contractor, writes a tart letter respecting his client. I have referred him to Wilson, Judge Advocate. He says by telegraph Wilson has not reached New York. I am sorry for this delay. Fox and Edgar returned this evening from Hampton Roads, — absent two days.
April 28, Thursday. Admiral Lee sends me a confidential dispatch and also a communication to him from General Butler. On the latter Fox has made a proper indorsement. On the 26th inst. General B. calls on the Admiral for naval cooperation. Wants ironclads and gunboats to proceed to Richmond ; is going to move on the 30th inst. ; the expedi- tion or movement is to be secret; they are to pass above City Point, etc., etc. Only four days to improvise a navy, and they are to proceed up a river whose channel is not buoyed out. The scheme is not practical, yet it has the sanction of General Grant. It must, however, be a blind, intended to deceive the enemy, and to do this effectually he must first deceive our own people. A somewhat formidable force has been gathered in General Butler's department, and there is no doubt but that General B. himself fully believes he is to make a demonstration up James River. It may be that this is General Grant's intention also, but if it is, I shall be likely to have my faith in him impaired. Certainly there have been no sufficient preparations for such a demonstration and the call upon the Navy is un- reasonable.
April 28, Thursday. The opinion in regard to General Banks is very unanimous. None speak favorably of him as a military man, and his civil administration is much
20 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [april28
censured. Whether the President will continue to sustain him is to be seen.
General Frank Blair has resigned his seat in the House, and the President has revoked the acceptance of his mil- itary resignation. This is a stretch of power and construc- tion that I do not like. Much censure will fall on the Pre- sident for this act, and it will have additional edge from the violent and injudicious speech of General Blair denouncing in unmeasured terms Mr. Chase. He also assails the ap- pointees of Chase, and his general policy touching agent's permits in the valley of the Mississippi as vicious and corrupt. I have an unfavorable opinion of the Treasury management there and on the coast, and there are some things in the conduct of Chase himself that I disap- prove.
The Blairs are pugnacious, but their general views, especially those of Montgomery Blair, have seemed to me sound and judicious in the main. A forged requisition of General Blair has been much used against him. A com- mittee of Congress has pronounced the document a forg- ery, having been altered so as to cover instead of $150 worth of stores some $8000 or $10,000. He charges the wrong on the Treasury agents, and Chase's friends, who certainly have actively used it. Whether Chase has given encouragement to the scandal is much to be doubted.^ I do not believe he would be implicated in it, though he has probably not discouraged, or discountenanced it. Chase is deficient in magnanimity and generosity. The Blairs have both, but they have strong resentments. Warfare with them is open, bold, and unsparing. With Chase it is silent, persistent, but regulated with discretion. Blairs make no false professions. Chase avows no enmities.
April 29, Friday. Usher relates to me to-day some damaging stories concerning the Treasury. I cannot but think them exaggerations. I know, from some reliable and unmistakable sources, that there have been improprieties
1864] WILKES FOUND GUILTY 21
among the subordinates of a licentious character, and that Chase is cognizant of the facts. It has surprised me that, knowing the facts, he should have permitted the person most implicated to retain a position of great trust. Only great weakness, or implication in error would give a solu- tion. I do not for a moment entertain the latter, and the former is not a trait in his character.
These matters cannot be suppressed. Blair says Chase will not assent to a committee. He cannot avoid it, and since Frank Blair has left, I think he will not attempt it. Colfax, the Speaker, will give him pretty much such a committee as he wishes. The majority will be friends of Chase, as they should be, and none probably will be unfair opponents.
The President to-day related to two or three of us the circumstances connected with his giving a pass to the half- sister of his wife, Mrs. White. He gave the details with frankness, and without disguise. I will not go into them all, though they do him credit on a subject of scandal and abuse. The papers have assailed him for giving a pass to Mrs. White to carry merchandise. Briefly, Mrs. W. called at the White House and sent in her card to Mrs. Lincoln, her sister, who declined to receive or see her. Mrs. W. two or three times repeated these applications to Mrs. L. and the President, with the same result. The President sent a pass, such as in some cases he has given, for her to proceed South. She sent it back with a request that she might take trunks without being examined. The President refused. She then showed her pass and talked "secesh" at the hotel, and made application through Mallory first and then Brutus Clay. The President refused the former and told Brutus that if Mrs. W. did not leave forthwith she might expect to find herself within twenty-four hours in the Old Capitol Prison.
April 30, Saturday. The Wilkes court martial found him guilty on all charges and sentenced him to three years'
22 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [april 30
suspension and a reprimand. It is a light punishment for the conviction.
Army movements indicate an early and great battle, but when and where to be fought is unknown in Washing- ton.
Congress to-day has ordered a committee on the Treas- ury. It is made up as only Colfax could do it. Some able friends of Chase are on it, and Brooks ... is associated with them.
Thirty years ago I was accustomed to meet Brooks, then a resident of Portland, Maine. He was at that time a zealous Whig partisan, with no settled principles. Judg- ing from the New York Express, his paper, I think he has changed very little, though now elected by, and acting with, those who call themselves Democrats and have a Democratic organization.
XIX
Investigating the Massacre at Fort Pillow — Cabinet Discussion of the Massacre — Rumors of the Battle of the Wilderness — Admiral Porter's Report of Banks's Mismanagement of the Red River Expedition — The President's Disappointment in Banks — News of the Loss of Gen- eral Wadsworth and General Sedgwick — McCIellan and Politics — Secretary Chase declines to pay Bills abroad in Coin — Joy over the Victory at Spottsylvania — A Visit to the Confederate Prisoners at Belle Plain — Talk with Governor Morgan on Abuses in Cotton Specu- lations — Trouble at the Charlestown Navy Yard — Publication of a Forged Proclamation — Arrest of a Spaniard charged with Participating in the Slave Trade — Chase on the Cotton Speculations — The Seizure of two New York Newspapers for publishing the Forgery.
May 2, Monday. Rumors thick and unpleasant in regard to the clerks and women employed at the Treasury. Much is doubtless exaggeration, but there are some dis- agreeable truths.
May 3, Tuesday. At the Cabinet-meeting the President requested each member to give him an opinion as to what course the Government should pursue in relation to the recent massacre at Fort Pillow. The committee from Con- gress who have visited the scene returned yesterday and will soon report. All the reported horrors are said to be verified. The President wishes to be prepared to act as soon as the subject is brought to his notice officially, and hence Cabinet advice in advance.
The subject is one of great responsibility and great em- barrassment, especially before we are in possession of the facts and evidence of the committee. There must be some- thing in these terrible reports, but I distrust Congressional committees. They exaggerate.
Mrs. W. and Edgar left to-day for New York. She is to spend a few days at Irvington; Edgar to complete his col- lege course.
24 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [may 3
Tom is filled with unrestrained zeal to go to the army. It is much of it youthful fervor but none the less earnest.
May 4, Wednesday. Our forces are gathering in consid- erable strength at Hampton Roads. Besides the naval vessels there are in the Roads over two hundred army transports. Whether the movement is to be up James River exclusively or a portion up the York and Pamunkey is not known.
May 5, Thursday. I have written a letter to the Presid- ent in relation to the Fort Pillow massacre, but it is not satisfactory to me, nor can I make it so without the evid- ence of what was done, nor am I certain that even then I could come to a conclusion on so grave and important a question. The idea of retaliation, — killing man for man, — which is the popular noisy demand, is barbarous, and I cannot assent to or advise it. The leading officers should be held accountable and punished, but how? The policy of killing negro soldiers after they have surrendered must not be permitted, and the Rebel leaders should be called upon to avow or disavow it. But how is this to be done? Shall we go to Jeff Davis and his government, or apply to General Lee? If they will give us no answer, or declare they will kill the negroes, or justify Forrest, shall we take inno- cent Rebel officers as hostages? The whole subject is beset with difficulties. I cannot yield to any inhuman scheme of retaliation. Must wait the publication of the testimony.
May 6, Friday. At the Cabinet-meeting each of the members read his opinion. There had, I think, been some concert between Seward and Stanton and probably Chase; that is, they had talked on the subject, although there was not coincidence of views on all respects. Although I was dissatisfied with my own, it was as well as most others.
Between Mr. Bates and Mr. Blair a suggestion came out that met my views better than anything that had previ-
1864] RUMORS OF THE WILDERNESS 25
ously been offered. It is that the President should by proclamation declare the officers who had command at the massacre outlaws, and require any of our officers who may capture them, to detain them in custody and not exchange them, but hold them to punishment. The thought was not very distinctly enunciated. In a conversation that followed the reading of our papers, I expressed myself favorable to this new suggestion, which relieved the subject of much of the difficulty. It avoids communication with the Rebel authorities. Takes the matter in our own hands. We get rid of the barbarity of retaliation.
Stanton fell in with my suggestion, so far as to propose that, should Forrest, or Chalmers, or any officer conspicu- ous in this butchery be captured, he should be turned over for trial for the murders at Fort Pillow. I sat beside Chase and mentioned to him some of the advantages of this course, and he said it made a favorable impression. I urged him to say so, for it appeared to me that the President and Seward did not appreciate it.
We get no tidings from the front. There is an impres- sion that we are on the eve of a great battle and that it may already have commenced.
May 7, Saturday. Some fragmentary intelligence comes to us of a conflict of the two great armies. A two days' fight is said to have taken place. The President came into my room about 1 p.m., and told me he had slept none last night. He lay down for a short time on the sofa in my room and detailed all the news he had gathered.
Mr. Wing, a correspondent of the New York Tribune, called upon me this evening. He brings the first news we have had, but this is not full and conclusive.
May 9, Monday. We had yesterday great feelings, deep interest, but little news, — little in the way of detail, though great in importance. Nothing came from General Grant, who is no braggart and does not mean to have tidings
26 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [mayo
precipitated in advance. A dispatch from General Ingalls to Quartermaster-General Meigs calls for forage, which indicates an onward movement. Other incidental inform- ation is to the same effect. At least this is my inference and others' also.
To-day's news confirms the impression, yet we have nothing specific. All our conclusions, however, are one way, and there can be no doubt the Rebels have fallen back and our forces have advanced.
Mr. Heap, clerk to Rear-Admiral Porter, arrived yester- day from Alexandria on the Red River. He brings a de- plorable account of affairs in a confidential dispatch from Admiral Porter and more fully detailed by himself. The misfortunes are attributed entirely and exclusively to the incapacity of General Banks. Neither Admiral Porter nor Mr. Heap admit any mitigating circumstances, but im- pute to his imbecility the loss of the expedition and the probable sacrifice of the fleet and the army. They accuse him of equivocating, of electioneering, of speculating in cotton and general malfeasance and mismanagement.
I took Heap with me to the President and had him tell his own story. It was less full and denunciatory than to me, but it seemed to convince the President, who I have thought was over-partial to Banks, and I have thought that Seward contributed to that feeling. The President, after hearing Heap, said he had rather cousined up to Banks, but for some time past had begun to think he was erring in so doing. He repeated two verses from Moore, commencing
" Oh, ever thus, from childhood's hour, I've seen my fondest hopes decay," etc.
It would not do to retain him in military command at such obvious sacrifice of the public interest.
I am not one of the admirers of Banks. He has a certain degree of offhand smartness, very good elocution and com- mand of language, with perfect self-possession, but is not profound. He is a pretender, not a statesman, a politician
1864] LOSS OF WADSWORTH AND SEDGWICK 27
of a certain description ; has great ambition but little fixed principle. It was Seward's doings that sent him to New Orleans.
Who got up the Red River expedition I know not, other- wise than by Admiral Porter, who writes me he has seen the orders from Halleck. I know that I called on Stanton in company with Seward last summer with a view of get- ting up an expedition to capture Mobile ; that Stanton sent for General Halleck; that the latter, when he came, was not prepared to adopt our views, wanted to hear from General Banks, was thinking of operations west of the Mississippi, etc. Seward surrendered without a word of remonstrance. Halleck was to let us know as soon as he heard from Banks, and I have never had a word from him since.
May 10, Tuesday, At the Cabinet, the President read dispatches from General Grant, General Butler, General Sherman, and some others. I had previously seen some of these dispatches. They were all in good and encouraging tone. There have been some conflicting doubts in regard to General Wadsworth, who is undoubtedly slain, and his body is, I think, in the hands of the Rebels. Few nobler spirits have fallen in this war. He should, by good right and fair-dealing, have been at this moment Governor of New York, but the perfidy of Thurlow Weed and others de- feated him. I have always believed that Seward was, if not implicated, a sympathizer in that business. No purer or more single-minded patriot than Wadsworth has shown himself in this war. He left home and comforts and wealth to fight the battles of the Union.
A scout came in this p.m. with dispatches from General Grant. He brings information that General Sedgwick was killed yesterday by a sharpshooter. He was among the good and brave generals, though not of the class of dashing officers, and was ever reliable and persistent. The death of no general officer during the war could be more depress-
28 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [mayio
ing, I apprehend, than this, and his loss at this juncture will be felt by the army and country.
May 11, Wednesday. A craving, uneasy feeling per- vaded the community through the day. No intelligence from any quarter received, yet a conviction pervades everywhere that much is being done. I was at the War Department at 9 p.m. The President and Stanton were anxiously waiting intelligence.
I met Blair as I came from the Department, who wished me to go to his house. A letter from Governor Morgan asking me to name the month to which I would postpone the Union National Convention, if I desired a postpone- ment, was received and answered by me this evening. It was a singular document and surprised me. I spoke of it to Blair, who said he had seen the circular last week. This gave me even greater surprise, for Morgan has frequently consulted and interchanged views with me, both of us concurring against postponement. It was discussed by us at our last interview.
Blair, as well as myself, was puzzled, but we both were willing to believe that no mischief was intended. The course of Thurlow Weed and some New York politicians has been singular. Blair took from his pocket a letter from Barlow of New York, a Copperhead leader, with whom, he informs me, he has corresponded for some weeks past. Barlow is thick with General McClellan, and Blair, who has clung also to McC, not giving him up until his Wood- ward letter betrayed his weakness and his ambition, still thought he might have military service, provided he gave up his political aspirations. It was this feeling that had led to the correspondence.
I do not admire the idea of corresponding with such a man as Barlow, who is an intense partisan, and Blair him- self would distrust almost any one who should be in politi- cal communication with him. Blair had written Barlow that he would try to get McC. an appointment to the army,
1864] VICTORY AT SPOTTSYLVANIA 29
giving up party politics. Barlow replied that no party can give up their principles, and quotes a letter which he says was written by a distinguished member of Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet last September, urging the organization of a con- servative party on the basis of the Crittenden compromise. This extract shocks Blair. He says it must have been written by Seward. I incline to the same opinion, though Usher crossed my mind, and I so remarked to Blair. Last September U.'s position was more equivocal than Seward's, and he might have written such a letter without black perfidy. Seward could not.
May 12, Thursday. Late last night, Mr. Byington, a newspaper correspondent, called at my house. He left General Grant's headquarters at 8 a.m. yesterday. Re- ports hard fighting on Tuesday, but represents our troops to have had the best of it. General Robinson, severely wounded, arrived in Washington.
Secretary Chase sends me a letter that the Treasury is unwilling to pay bills drawn abroad in coin, and wishes the Department to buy coin and pay the bills independent of the Treasury. In other words, the Treasury Department declines to meet government obligations as heretofore. It is incapable of discharging its fiscal duties, is no longer to be a fiscal but a brokerage establishment for borrowing money and issuing a baseless, fictitious paper currency. These are the inglorious results of the schemes and specu- lations of our financier, and the end is not yet. There will be a general breakdown under this management.
May 13, Friday. The army news is interesting and as well received as the great loss of life will permit. Hancock has made a successful onset and captured Edward Johnson and two other generals, with about fifty other officers and four thousand prisoners, thirty pieces of cannon, etc. General Sheridan, with his cavalry, has got in rear of Lee and destroyed about ten miles of railroad, captured two
30 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [may 13
trains, and destroyed the depot of Rebel supplies at Beaver Dam. Our troops are in good heart and everything looks auspicious for the republic. Many valuable lives have been offered up for the Union, and many a Rebel has fallen. I dwell not on particulars. The public press and documents will give them. The tidings have caused joy to the patriotic everywhere, but among the intense partisans, known as Copperheads, it is obvious there is no gratifica- tion in the success of the Union arms. It is painful to wit- ness this factious and traitorous spirit, but it plainly shows itself.
I saw Governor Morgan yesterday respecting his circu- lar. He says he sent it out in self-defense; that, while he knew I would stand by him in resisting a postponement of the convention, he was not certain that others would, should things by any possibility be adverse. He says the answers are all one way, except that of Spooner of Ohio, who is for a postponement. This is indicative of the Chase influence.
To-night Governor Morgan informs me that the hall in which the convention is to meet has been hired by the malcontents, through the treachery and connivance of H. Winter Davis, in whom he confided. He called on me to advise as to the course to be pursued. Says he can get the theatre, can build a temporary structure, or he can alter the call to Philadelphia. Advised to try the theatre for the present.
Admiral Shubrick says Admiral Du Pont is writing a book in vindication of himself; that he (Shubrick) and other friends of Du Pont have counselled him against such a course, but without effect; that he is under the control of H. Winter Davis, etc., etc. The subject gives me no concern or disquietude. If Du Pont desires to vindicate or explain his acts, or to assail mine or me personally, I shall not regret his proceeding. His great mistake is in overes- timating his own personal consequence and undervaluing his country. Vanity and the love of intrigue are his ruin.
1864] EXCURSION TO BELLE PLAIN 31
: Mr. Representative Gooch of the Charlestown, Massa- chusetts, district, has undertaken, with a few other inter- ested spirits, to discuss the management of the navy yard, and has had much to say of the rights of the citizens and of the naval gentlemen. Wants the civilians to control the yard. In all matters of conflict between the government and the mischievous element of the yard, Mr. Gooch sides against the government. This morning he called on me to protest against Admiral Smith and the naval management of the yard. After hearing his complaints I remarked that the difficulties at that yard were traced mainly to Mr. Merriam, and antagonisms got up between civilians and naval officers had their origin with him and his associates. He wished me to order a restoration of all appointments in certain departments to Merriam, which I declined, but told him I would select two masters instead of leaving the employment of workmen with the Chief Engineer.
May 14, Saturday. Attended the funeral of Colonel Harris. His death gives embarrassment as to a successor. The higher class of marine officers are not the men who can elevate or give efficiency to the corps. To supersede them will cause much dissatisfaction. Every man who is over-slaughed and all his friends will be offended with me for what will be deemed an insult. But there is a duty to perform.
May 16, Monday. I yesterday took a steamer with a small company, consisting among others of Postmaster- General Blair, Senators Doolittle and Grimes, Messrs. Rice and Griswold of the Naval Committee, Count Rosen of the Swedish Navy, Mr. Hale (the newly selected Con- sul-General to Egypt), G. W. Blunt and Assistant Secre- tary Fox, Commander Wise, Dr. Horwitz, and two or three others, and went down the Potomac to Belle Plain. The day was pleasant and the sail charming. We reached Belle Plain about two p.m. and left a little past five. Is a
32 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [may 16
rough place with no dwelling, — an extemporized plank- way from the shore some twenty or thirty rods in the rear. Some forty or fifty steamers and barges, most of them crowded with persons, were there. Recruits going forward to reinforce Grant's army, or the wounded and maimed returning from battle. Rows of stretchers, on each of which was a maimed or wounded Union soldier, were wend- ing towards the steamers which were to bear them to Wash- ington, while from the newly arrived boats were emerging the fresh soldiers going forward to the field. Working our way along the new and rough-made road, through teams of mules and horses, we arrived at the base of a hill some two or three hundred feet in height, and went up a narrow broken footpath to the summit, on which were the head- quarters of General Abercrombie and staff. The ascent was steep and laborious. We had expected to find the prisoners here, but were told they were beyond, about one and a half miles. The majority were disposed to proceed thither, and, though tired and reluctant, I acquiesced. The prisoners, said to be about 7000 in number, were en- camped in a valley surrounded by steep hills, the circum- ference of the basin being some two or three miles. Re- turning, we passed through the centre of this valley or basin. The prisoners were rough, sturdy-looking men, good and effective soldiers, I should judge. Most of them were quiet and well-behaved, but some few of them were boisterous and inclined to be insolent.
One of the prisoners, a young man of some twenty-five, joined me and inquired if I resided in the neighborhood. I told him at a little distance. He wished to exchange some money, Rebel for greenbacks. When I told him that his was worthless, he claimed it was better than green- backs though not current here. I asked him if they had not enough of fighting, opposing the Union and lawful authority. He said no, there was much more fighting yet to be done. Claimed that Lee would be in Fredericksburg before the Union army could get to Richmond. Would not
1864] ABUSES IN COTTON SPECULATIONS 33
believe that J. E. B. Stuart was killed, news of which I received just as I came on board the boat this morning. He was earnest, though uninformed, and said he was from western North Carolina. Returning, we reached Washing- ton at 9 p.m.
To-day I have been busy in preparing two or three letters and matters for Congress.
Governor Morgan called on me relative to abuses in cotton speculations, and malconduct of Treasury agents and others. Some of the malpractices which are demoral- izing the army and the officials and disgusting the whole people in the lower Mississippi are becoming known, and will, I trust, lead to legislative correction. As Morgan introduced the subject and thought proper to consult me, I freely gave him facts and my views, which conflict with Chase and the Treasury management. A bill which Mor- gan showed me is crudely drawn but introduces, or makes, an entire change. It is not, in some of its features, what I should have proposed, but it will improve on the present system.
May 17, Tuesday. A painful suspense in military opera- tions. It is a necessary suspense, but the intense anxiety is oppressive, and almost unfits the mind for mental activity. We know it cannot be long before one or more bloody bat- tles will take place in which not only many dear friends will be slaughtered but probably the Civil War will be de- cided as to its continuance, or termination. My faith is firm in Union success, but I shall be glad when faith is past.
There was nothing special to-day at the Cabinet. No information received from the Army of the Potomac. Sherman had had hard fighting in northern Georgia at Resaca, and the Rebels under Johnston have retreated.
The President informs me that four of the Massachu- setts delegation have waited upon him in relation to the condition of affairs at the Charlestown Navy Yard. They fear the Navy has too much control, and charge Admiral
2
34 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [may 17
Smith with opposition to the Administration. I stated briefly to the President some of the difficulties, and that Mr. Gooch was not a free agent when there was a conflict or difference between the Government and the Navy Yard, that G. could not do otherwise than go with the men in the yard, and that Merriam was a cunning fellow who stirred up a citizen's feeling for selfish purposes.
Things are getting in such condition that I see no alter- native but to dismiss the man Merriam. Admiral String- ham writes me that M. has got up a paper or memorial to the Massachusetts Senators and Representatives which he has hired a man to circulate for signatures, remonstrat- ing against the naval management of the yard and getting up a hostile feeling. It is this, I presume, which led to the call on the President.
Met Governor Morrill this evening, who at once spoke of the misconduct of the Treasury agents. We frankly dis- cussed the subject. He is on the Committee of Commerce and has a right to know the facts, which I gave him. The whole proceeding is a disgrace and wickedness. I agree with Governor M. that the Secretary of the Treasury has enough to do to attend to the finances without going into the cotton trade. But Chase is very ambitious and very fond of power. He has, moreover, the fault of most of our politicians, who believe that the patronage of office, or be- stowment of public favors, is a source of popularity. It is the reverse, as he will learn.
May 18, Wednesday. Selected the Visitors to the Naval Academy, although we have not yet the appropriation bill, but we can no longer delay, if there are to be Visitors. Congress is very dilatory in necessary business, and yet impatient of delay in others.
Mr. Seward called on me this afternoon at a late hour in reference to alleged misconduct of the Marigold, which is charged with firing a gun at a blockade-runner within six hundred yards of Morro Castle. As Temple, Fleet Captain
1864] A FORGED PROCLAMATION 35
of the East Gulf Squadron, had left me but a few moments previously, I sent for him, there having been no report of the case. While waiting for Temple, Mr. S. informed me that a forged proclamation had been published by sundry papers in New York, among others by the World and Jour- nal of Commerce, imposing a fast on account of the failures of Grant and calling for a draft of 300,000 men. Seward said he at once sent on contradicting it and had ordered the English steamer to be delayed. He then had called on Stanton to know whether such a document had passed over the regular telegraph. Stanton said there had not. He (S.) then ordered that the other line should be at once seized, which was done. Seward then asked if the World and Journal of Commerce had been shut up. Stanton said he knew of their course only a minute before. Seward said the papers had been published a minute too long; and Stanton said if he and the President directed, they should be suspended. Seward thought there should be no delay. Gold, under the excitement, has gone up ten per cent, and the cotton loan will advance on the arrival of the steamer at Liverpool with the tidings. It seems to have been a cunningly devised scheme, — probably by the Rebels and the gold speculators, as they are called, who are in sympathy with them.
May 19, Thursday. The bogus proclamation has been the principal topic to-day. The knowledge that it is a forgery has not quieted the public mind.
There seems to be fighting both in front and on the James River, but nothing decisive is accomplished. I feel solicitous in regard to Butler, who, though a man of ability, has not the military knowledge and experience for so large and responsible a command.
May 20, Friday. The Secretary of State is becoming very anxious in view of our relations with France. Wants the ironclad Dictator should be sent over soon as possible.
36 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [may 20
I told him she was yet in the hands of the contractor, and was likely to be for some time, and when we had her I was not certain that it would be best to send her across the Atlantic. But he was nervous; said it was the only way to stop the Rebel ironclads from coming out, unless Grant should happen to get a victory.
The recent arrest of a Spaniard (Arguellis) who was in New York, and who was abducted, it is said, by certain officials under instructions or by direction of the Secretary of State is exciting inquiry. Arguellis is accused of having, in some way, participated in the slave trade. But if the assertion be true, we have no extradition treaty with Spain, and I am therefore surprised at the proceeding. There is such hostility to the slave trade that a great wrong may perhaps be perpetrated with impunity and without scrutiny, but I hope not. Nothing has ever been said in Cabinet on the subject, nor do I know anything in regard to it, except what I see in the papers.
Mr. Seward sometimes does strange things, and I am inclined to believe he has committed one of those freaks which make me constantly apprehensive of his acts. He knows that slavery is odious and all concerned in slave traffic are distrusted, and has, it seems, improved the occa- sion to exercise arbitrary power, expecting probably to win popular applause by doing an illegal act. Constitu- tional limitations are to him unnecessary restraints.
Should there be an investigation instituted and mere denunciation of the act, the President will be called upon to assume the responsibility, yet I am persuaded he has nothing to do in this affair beyond acquiescing without knowledge in what has been done. Could the abduction by any possibility be popular, Mr. S. expects it to inure to his credit.
May 21, Saturday. Last night I was at a party at Mr. Chase's, or his daughter Mrs. Sprague's, and late in the evening he spoke to me of the great abuses in cotton
1864] THE COTTON SPECULATIONS 37
speculations. It was a new and singular theme for him, and I said it could not be otherwise than demoralizing. He said, "Yes, your whole fleet out West is infected; Porter devotes his attention to getting cotton and has a boat to himself, with a piano and his pipe, on these cotton raids." I replied this could not be so. The naval men could cap- ture and retain nothing, which the courts do not adjudge to be good prize. We were interrupted at this point. I con- clude the Committee on Commerce have notified Chase that they disapprove of his "Trade Regulations," and this outburst on the Navy is to turn off attention from his offi- cials. But we shall see.
Lieutenant-Commander S. L. Phelps has been with me this evening and given me many interesting details con- cerning the Red River expedition and the incompetency of General Banks. Among other matters he relates some facts in regard to cotton speculations by persons connected with General Banks — some of his staff — that are ex- ceedingly discreditable. Among others whom he specially mentions is one Clark from Auburn, New York, who appears to be managing director of the cotton operations.
Our gunboats are detained above the falls at Alexandria and we may lose them, though it is possible there yet may be a rise before June. The expedition has many bad feat- ures, of which we shall be better informed hereafter.
May 23, Monday. A late dispatch on Saturday night from Cairo informs me that a dam at Alexandria has been constructed and our fleet is passing the falls. Lieutenant- Commander Phelps had left my house only about an hour before the dispatch was received. We had passed most of the evening in discussing Red River affairs. The news of the passage of the whole fleet is since confirmed. It is most gratifying intelligence.
The author of the forged proclamation has been de- tected. His name is Howard, and he has been long con- nected with the New York press, but especially with the
38 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [may 23
Times. If I am not mistaken, he has been one of my assail- ants and a defamer of the Department. He is of a pestifer- ous class of reckless sensation-writers for an unscrupulous set of journalists who misinform the public mind. Scarcely one of them has regard for truth, and nearly all make use of their positions to subserve selfish, mercenary ends. This forger and falsifier Howard is a specimen of the mis- erable tribe.
The seizure of the office of the World and Journal of Commerce for publishing this forgery was hasty, rash, in- considerate, and wrong, and cannot be defended. They are mischievous and pernicious, working assiduously against the Union and the Government and giving count- enance and encouragement to the Rebellion, but were in this instance the dupes, perhaps the willing dupes, of a knave and wretch. The act of suspending these journals, and the whole arbitrary and oppressive proceedings, had its origin with the Secretary of State. Stanton, I have no doubt, was willing to act on Seward's promptings, and the President, in deference to Seward, yielded to it.
These things are to be regretted. They weaken the Administration and strengthen its enemies. Yet the Ad- ministration ought not to be condemned for the misdeeds of one, or at most two, of its members. They would not be if the President was less influenced by them.
May 24, Tuesday. Nothing especial at the Cabinet. The condition and position of the armies canvassed. Chase was not present. He seldom attends of late.
Seward urges the departure of the Niagara. I have no doubt that Sanford, our Minister at Belgium, one of Seward's pets, who is now here, has been instrumental in urging this matter. He wants a public vessel to carry him abroad, and has cajoled Seward ... to effect this object. I do not like to be bamboozled, as Colonel Benton says, by such fellows as Sanford.
There are, however, some reasons to influence action.
1864] MR. SANFORD AND THE NIAGARA 39
Seward sent to my house on Saturday evening a bundle of dispatches from Mr. Dayton, and also from Mr. Bige- low, our consul at Paris, relative to the conduct and feel- ings of the French Government. That breaking through the blockade for tobacco looks mischievous, and one or more vessels ought doubtless to appear in European waters. Bigelow, in his confidential dispatch, tells Seward that it was not judicious to have explained to the French Gov- ernment in regard to the resolution of our House of Repre- sentatives that they would maintain the Monroe Doctrine.
May 30, Monday. My constant application has left me no time for several days to jot down occurrences and make remarks.
Mr. Sanford was very pertinacious and determined itt his scheme of going out in the Niagara, and represented that Mr. Seward favored it. I am inclined to think Sew- ard fell into the arrangement without much thought. This is the best view for Seward. Sanford is . . . fond of notoriety; delights to be busy and fussy, to show pomp and power; and to have a vessel like the Niagara bear him out to his mission would have filled him with delight, but would not have elevated the country, for Sanford 's true character is known abroad and wherever he is known, which is one of obtrusive intermeddlings, — - not that he is mischievously inclined, but he seeks to be consequential, wants to figure and to do.
The consul at Bermuda having written us that the Florida was there on the 14th inst., I wrote Mr. Seward that the Niagara would be directed' to cruise and get across in about thirty days, consequently Mr. Sanford' had bet- ter leave by packet steamer. Mr. Seward writes me tor day that he concurs with me fully.
The army movements have been interesting for the last few days, though not sensational. Grant has not obtained a victory but performed another remarkably successful flank movement. Sherman is progressing in Georgia.
40 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [mat 31
May 31, Tuesday. No special matters in Cabinet. Mr. Seward sent me on Saturday a correspondence between himself and Lord Lyons and the Treasury Department relative to a large amount of cotton which was purchased a few months since in Georgia by one John Mulholland, an Englishman, who desires to bring it out, or, if he could not do that, to have it protected. The Secretary of State wrote the Secretary of the Treasury for views. The Treasury thought the proposition to bring it out inadmissible, but when our military lines were so extended as to include this cotton the agents of the Treasury would give it the same care as the property of loyal citizens; thinks it would be well to advise the Navy and War Departments to instruct their officers. Hence the communication to me.
I decline giving any such instructions, and so have writ- ten Mr. Seward, considering it illegal as well as inexpedient, telling him it would be a precedent for transferring all the products of the South into foreign hands to pay for muni- tions of war which we should be bound to protect. None but Englishmen would have the presumption to make such a request. It is entitled to no respect or consideration. Not unlikely it is cotton of the Rebel government covered up.
XX
Fremont nominated to the Presidency by the Cleveland Convention — An Estimate of Fr6mont — General Cochrane, the Candidate for Vice- President — Rigorous Dealing with the Confederate Leaders advo- cated — Gathering of Delegates for the Baltimore Convention — The Abduction of Arguellis — The Republican Convention nominates Lin- coln and Johnson — The Relations of Secretary Welles and Vice- President Hamlin — Hamlin and Johnson and the Vice-Presidential Nomination — John P. Hale defeated for the Senate in Caucus of New Hampshire Legislature — Admiral Gregory's Unfavorable Report of the Light-Draft Monitors — The Smith Brothers of Boston charged with Contract Frauds — The Case of Henderson, Navy Agent — The Presidential Excursions to Army Headquarters — The Verdict of the Court Martial in Charles W. Scofield's Case — Chase's Management of the Country's Finances — A Letter from William Cullen Bryant in behalf of Henderson — Bryant and Godwin and the Evening Post — The Resignation of Chase.
June 1, Wednesday. Called on the President relative to the appointment of midshipmen. After looking over the list with some care, he finally designated two sons of officers [and] one apprentice, and desired me to complete the nom- inations.
When I called on the President, Major-General Schenck was with him, and, as I went in, was giving the President a list of names of persons to be selected to fill the board about to be appointed on the question of retired officers, his brother, Commodore Schenck, being one. It was a cool proposition, but characteristic of General Schenck, and I think of the Schencks generally.
We have to-day the results of a meeting of strange odds and ends of parties, and factions, and disappointed and aspiring individuals at Cleveland. Fremont is nominated as their candidate for President and John Cochrane for Vice-President. The gathering had the nomination of Fremont in view, though other objects were professed.
I very earnestly supported Fremont in 1856. He was
42 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [june l
then put forward as the representative of the principles for which we were contending, and I have no reason to give that he was not faithful to the cause. He was, how- ever, as soon as nominated, surrounded, to a great extent, by bad men, in whom no good man had confidence. His bearing was very well so far as he appeared before the public. I saw that he was anxious to be elected but not offensively so; he was not obtrusive, but, on the contrary, reserved and retiring. In nothing did he show extraord- inary ability or character, but my conclusions were that his real traits were undeveloped. He did not grow upon me as reserved men usually do. Colonel Benton had in former years extolled him, though opposed to his candidacy. Governor Marcy, no friend of Benton, and not partial to Fremont, had, when Secretary of War, given him name and fame by a most remarkable indorsement in his able report in (I think) 1848.
I have since learned that that part of Marcy's report was written by Colonel Benton himself, and that President Polk compelled Marcy to incorporate it in the annual re- port of the War Department. The affair seems incredible almost to me, who knew the several parties, but I learn it in a way that leaves no doubt of its truth. Marcy had ability but was timid and subservient. Fremont has gained no reputation during the War. In power his surroundings have been awful. Reckless, improvident, wasteful, pomp- ous, purposeless, vain, and incompetent. In his explora- tions, however, he showed perseverance and endurance, and he had the reputation of attaching his men to him. His journals were readable, but I have been told they were prepared and mostly written by Colonel Benton. On all occasions he puts on airs, is ambitious, and would not serve under men of superior military capacity and experience. Fremont first and country after. For a long time he has been in foolish intrigues for the Presidency, and the Cleve- land meeting is a Fremont meeting, though others have been concerned.
1864] FREMONT AND COCHRANE 43
I am surprised that General Cochrane should have em- barked in the scheme. But he has been wayward and er- ratic. A Democrat, a Barnburner, a conservative, an Abolitionist, an Anti-abolitionist, a Democratic Republican, and now a radical Republican. He has some, but not em- inent, ability; can never make a mark as a statesman. It will not surprise me if he should change his position before the close of the political campaign, and support the nom- inees of the Baltimore Convention. There is not a coincid- ence of views and policy between him and Fr6mont, and the convention which has nominated them is a hetero- geneous mixture of weak and wicked men. They would jeopard and hazard the Republican and Union cause, and many of them would defeat it and give success to the Cop- perheads to gratify their causeless spite against the Pre- sident. He is blamed for not being more energetic and be- cause he is despotic in the same breath. He is censured for being too mild and gentle towards the Rebels and for being tyrannical and intolerant. There is no doubt he has a dif- ficult part to perform in order to satisfy all and do right.
This war is extraordinary in all its aspects and phases, and no man was prepared to meet them. It is much easier for the censorious and factious to complain than to do right. I have often thought that greater severity might well be exercised, and yet it would tend to barbarism.
No traitor has been hung. I doubt if there will be, but an example should be made of some of the leaders, for pre- sent and for future good. They may, if taken, be impris- oned or driven into exile, but neither would be lasting. Parties would form for their relief, and ultimately succeed in restoring the worst of them to their homes and the privileges they originally enjoyed. Death is the proper penalty and atonement, and will be enduringly beneficent in its influence.
There was, moreover, an aristocratic purpose in this Rebellion. An aristocracy of blood and wealth was to have been established. Consequently a contrary effect would
44 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [june l
work benignantly. Were a few of the leaders to be stripped of their possessions, and their property confiscated, their families impoverished, the result would be salutary in the future. But I apprehend there will be very gentle measures in closing up the Rebellion. The authors of the enormous evils that have been inflicted will go unpunished, or will be but slightly punished.
June 2, Thursday. There is intense anxiety in relation to the Army of the Potomac. Great confidence is felt in Grant, but the immense slaughter of our brave men chills and sickens us all. The hospitals are crowded with the thousands of mutilated and dying heroes who have poured out their blood for the Union cause. Lee has returned to the vicinity of Richmond, overpowered by numbers, beaten but hardly defeated.
June 3, Friday. For several days the delegates to the National Convention have been coming in. Had a call from several. Met a number at the President's. All favor the President. There is a spirit of discontent among the Members of Congress, stirred up, I think, by the Treasury Department. Chase has his flings and insinuations against the President's policy, or want of policy. Nothing suits him.
There seems some difference among the delegates about the Vice-Presidency, but they wilt be likely to renominate Hamlin, though he has not much personal strength and has not the mind and temperament to build up a party for the country. There is an impression here that he has great strength in New England, but that is not my opinion. He has party cunning and management but not breadth and strength and is but little cared for there ; is not offensive or obnoxious, but there is no zeal for him. As the President is a Western man and will be renominated, the Convention will very likely feel inclined to go East and to renominate the Vice-President also. Should New York be united on
1864] THE ABDUCTION OF ARGUELLIS 45
Dix or Dickinson, the nomination would be conceded to the Empire State, but there can be no union in that State upon either of those men or any other.
June 4, Saturday. Many delegates to Convention in town. Some attempts made by Members of Congress to influence them. The friends of Chase improve the oppor- tunity to exclaim against Blair.
There has been continued fighting, though represented as not very important. Still there is heavy loss, but we are becoming accustomed to the sacrifice. Grant has not great regard for human life.
June 6, Monday. Am urged to go to Baltimore but do not deem it advisable. Some talk with Blair respecting Chase and Seward, who, though not assimilating and un- like in many respects, continue to get along. Each has a policy which seems to me unsound, and Blair coincides with me, but is so intent on other matters, personal to the Blairs and the vindictive war upon them, that he is com- pelled to defer the differences on grave questions to what so nearly concerns him.
I am uncomfortable about the extradition, or rather the abduction, of Arguellis, the Spaniard. The act shocks me, and the Administration will justly be held accountable. Some of us who know nothing on the subject will have to share the responsibility. I knew nothing of the subject, nor that there was such a man, until after the wrong had been committed and the man was on his way to Cuba. Marshal Murray then informed me, and said he was here to escape the grand jury. A few days after the subject was alluded to in the Cabinet. Seward introduced it incidentally, partly as a feeler and partly to affirm hereafter that the subject had been mentioned. A few words passed between him and the President. As no one said a word by way of com- ment, I inquired if there was not a law in New York against abduction? Seward claimed there was no law prohibiting
46 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [juneg
the extradition, — that we might do it or not. It was an act of comity merely; Spain could not demand it, etc., etc. It was in answer to these remarks that I put the inquiry. I saw it grated, and when I further remarked if there was no treaty or law for it, I should doubt the propriety of act- ing, I saw I was making discord, and the subject dropped. The arrest is an arbitrary and unauthorized exercise of power by the Secretary of State.
June 7, Tuesday. The Convention to-day is the absorb- ing theme but there is something from the army relative to the late fights that disturbs me. We have had severe slaughter. Brave men have been killed and maimed most fearfully, but Grant persists.
June 8, Wednesday. The President was renominated to-day at Baltimore. A contest took place in regard to Missouri, and the wrong delegates were admitted by an almost unanimous vote. A strange perversion. There was neither sense nor reason nor justice in the decision. Rogues, fanatics, hypocrites, and untruthful men secured and triumphed over good and true men. Prejudice over- came truth and reason. The Convention exhibited great stupidity and actually stultified itself in this matter.
When the vote of the Convention was taken on the nom- ination for President, it was found the Missouri delega- tion who had been admitted were not in harmony with the Convention. They would not vote for Mr. Lincoln. He had all the rest of the votes. There was much intrigue and much misconception in this thing.
On the question of Vice-President there was greater diversity of opinion at the beginning, but ultimately and soon all united on Andrew Johnson. Personally I did not regret this result, although I took no part in its accom- plishment. The delegates and papers of my State gener- ally have disapproved of Hamlin's course towards me, and I have no doubt it contributed to their casting a united
1864] J. P. HALE LOSES RENOMINATION 47-511
vote at the start for Johnson. Hamlin and his friends will give me credit for influence which I do not possess, and ascribe to me revenge for malevolence I have never felt. Without cause and because I would not extend undue favor to one of his friends by official abuse, he has treated me coldly, discourteously, and with bad temper, — so much so as to attract attention and inquiry, and lead to opposition to his renomination.
June 9, Thursday. There seems to be general satisfac- tion with the nominations made at Baltimore, and with the resolutions adopted. Except the nomination for Vice- President, the whole proceedings were a matter of course. It was the wish of Seward that Hamlin should again be the Vice, and the President himself was inclined to the same policy, though personally his choice is Johnson. This, I think, was the current Administration opinion, though with no particular zeal or feeling. Blair inclined to the policy of taking Hamlin, though partial to Johnson. I took no part and could not well take any. Yet to-day from several quarters it is said to me that Connecticut overthrew Hamlin, and that it was my doings which led to it. While this is not correct, I am nowise disposed to be dissatisfied with the change that has been made.
Concluded to retire the marine officers who are past the legal age, and to bring in Zeilin as Commandant of the Corps. There seems no alternative. . . .
.JJune 10, Friday. The caucus of the New Hampshire members of the legislature friendly to the Administration has resulted in the substitution of Cragin for John P. Hale. This will be a sore and sad disappointment to Hale, who had until recently thought himself invincible in New Hampshire. Although I have no doubt he would make terms with the Copperheads if he could, they would not with him, and it therefore seems scarcely possible that it can be otherwise than he will be fully and finally defeated.
1 Four pages omitted on account of a duplication in the manuscript.
52 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [june 10
I rejoice at it, for he is worthless, a profligate politician, a poor Senator, an indifferent statesman, not without talents, though destitute of industry, and I question his integrity. He has some humor, is fond of scandal, delights in defam- ing, loves to oppose, and is reckless of truth in his assaults. The country will sustain no loss from his retirement. As chairman of the Naval Committee and the organ of com- munication between the Navy Department and the Senate, he has rendered no service, but has been a constant em- barrassment and obstruction. During the whole of this civil war, when all our energies and efforts were exerted in the cause of the Union and the country, no assistance, no word of encouragement even, has ever come to the De- partment from John P. Hale; but constant assaults, insinu- ations, and pronounced, if not wilful and deliberate, mis- representations have emanated from him. Of course, I shall not regret his defeat, for though his term does not expire till the close of this Administration, and my connec- tion with the Government may terminate at the same time, I am glad that his factious conduct is not indorsed by his State, and that the buffoon and vilifier will not be in a po- sition to do further injury. He has been less offensive this session than heretofore, whether because he had become aware that his conduct did not meet the approval of the people and the election was at hand, I care not to judge. A letter from Admiral Gregory, inclosing a report from himself and Chief Engineer King on the Chimo, one of the light-draught monitors, gives a bad account. There have been mistakes and miscalculations in this class of vessels of a serious character. Stimers and Fox have had them in charge, and each has assured me that my apprehensions were groundless. Fox has been persistent in this matter, and assumed that the objections were wholly groundless. Ad- miral Gregory has also given me strong assurances that all was right. The Chimo, the first, would, he said, be a little deep, but this would be obviated in all the others, and not very bad in her case. I am not satisfied with Stimers's
1864] CONTRACT FRAUDS 53
management, yet Fox has in this matter urged what has been done. The report indicates unfitness on the part of Stimers, who miscalculated or made no calculation for dis- placement, has become vain, and feared to acknowledge his error.
June 11, Saturday. There is very little from the army that is decisive or satisfactory. Constant fighting is going on, killing without any battle. The bodies of our brave men, slain or mutilated, are brought daily to Washington by hundreds. Some repulse we have had beyond what is spoken of, I have no doubt. But our army holds on with firmness, and persistency, and courage, — being constantly reinforced.
June 20, Monday. A very busy and eventful week has passed without my having time to jot down incidents, much less observations and reflections. Among other mat- ters, on representations made by attorneys, detectives, and others, I directed the arrest of Smith Brothers, in Bos- ton. It is stated they have attempted to defraud the gov- ernment in the delivery of the articles under contract. Mr. Wilson, Mr. Goodman, Mr. Eames, Mr. Watkins, Mr. Fox, Mr. Faxon, Admiral Smith, all concur in opinion as to the criminality of the Smiths. Yet they stand high in Boston as pious, sharp men, who profess great honesty and much religion. The arrest will bring down abuse and hostility upon me from many. But duty demanded action, however unpleasant.
Mr. Rice called on me early Saturday morning with a telegram received at midnight from Mrs. Smith, concern- ing the arrest of her husband. She is in great distress and has the earnest sympathy of Mr. Rice, who believes the Smiths innocent. He says the arrest has ruined forever the families, whether innocent or guilty. Mr. Gooch soon came in with a similar telegram, received at midnight, and went over the same story more briefly. Gooch felt bad and had
54 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [june 20
slept but little. I told Mr. Rice that the parties should have the benefit of bail, or rather that I had written Mr. Wilson, authorizing bail. Colonel Olcott writes Fox, to whom these matters are specially committed, opposing bail; wants them confined in Fort Warren, where they have been sent, until he has examined their papers. He is a cormorant, searching papers, utterly reckless. I told Fox that I wished a firm but mild man ; that I would not be oppressive. But Fox is violent against these men, who, he believes, are hypocrites and rascals. While I may not differ with him in that respect, they have rights in common with us all that must be respected and not rudely violated.
Preliminary measures for the arrest and trial of Hender- son, Navy Agent at New York, have been taken. From the statements of Savage, Stover, and others he has been guilty of malfeasance, although standing high in the com- munity as a man of piety and purity. It has been with re- luctance that I have come to the conclusion that it was my duty to ask his removal and take measures against him. But I am left no alternative. That he, like all the Navy Agents, was getting rich at the public expense I have not doubted, — that there were wrong proceedings in this mat- ter I fully believed, — and yet to break with old friends was and is unpleasant. My own impression is that Henderson has kept more accurate accounts than his predecessors, and I expect his books will square up faithfully, — accurate in dollars and cents, — but the wrong has been in another way. His representative, and friend, and fellow church- member Odell has looked into the subject, and says he has committed great frauds.
The gold bill, as it is called, has been finally enacted and we shall soon ascertain whether it effects any good. Chase and his school have the absurd follies of the Whigs and John Law in regard to money and finance. I have no con- fidence in his financial wisdom or intelligence on those subjects.
We get no good army news from Petersburg. Our troops
1864] PRESIDENTIAL EXCURSIONS 55
have suffered much and accomplished but little, so far as I can learn. But there is disinclination to communicate army intelligence, as usual. Were the news favorable, it would be otherwise.
The President in his intense anxiety has made up his mind to visit General Grant at his headquarters, and left this p.m. at five. Mr. Fox has gone with him, and not un- likely favored and encouraged the President in this step, which I do not approve. It has been my policy to discour- age these Presidential excursions. Some of the Cabinet favored them. Stanton and Chase, I think, have given them countenance heretofore.
He can do no good. It can hardly be otherwise than harmful, even if no accident befalls him. Better for him and the country that he should remain at his post here. It would be advantageous if he remained away from the War Department and required his Cabinet to come to him.
June 21, Tuesday. The President being absent, there was no Cabinet-meeting to-day. Massachusetts Represent- atives are sensitive and sore concerning the arrest of the Smiths. I wrote Mr. Wilson not to be severe and to take bail.
June 22, Wednesday. Much sensational news concerning delay of army movements. I am inclined to think our peo- ple have learned caution from dear experience, — dear in the best blood of the country.
Gold had gone up to-day to 230. Legislation does not keep down the price or regulate values. In other and plainer terms, paper is constantly depreciating and the tinkering has produced the contrary effect from that in- tended by our financiers.
June 23, Thursday. A call in force this a.m. from a large* portion of the Massachusetts delegation in behalf of the Smith brothers, now in Fort Warren, wanting them to be
56 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [june 23
bailed, but at the same time admitting a bail bond to be useless or valueless. They proposed, however, the whole Massachusetts delegation should unite in a bond, guaran- teeing the appearance of the Smiths for trial. Told them I thought this not a proper proceeding, that it was perhaps doubtful whether bail could properly be taken, that I had written to Mr. Wilson that I wished, if it could be done, that there should be bail, etc., etc. The interview was long; Senator Wilson, Mr. Rice, Mr. Dawes were the principal speakers.
In the afternoon Mr. Rice called at my house with a tele- gram to the effect that Mr. Wilson would be willing to take bail, but that Assistant Secretary Fox, who has the matter in special charge, had written him not to do so without the consent of Colonel Olcott, etc. I told Mr. Rice, I thought there must be some misapprehension, that I thought Mr. Wilson would act discreetly and properly, that we should probably hear from him by to-morrow morning's mail. He was earnest, sensitive, and expressed great distrust, or want of confidence in Mr. Fox. I told him, while Mr. Fox was very earnest and persevering, I thought it an error to impute to him personal enmity against the Smiths and others.
Admiral Lee sends me some papers relative to a permit issued by General Butler to one Lane, of the steamer Phila- delphia, to trade in Chowan River, North Carolina. It was a little, dirty, speculating intrigue, initiated as early as last March, in a letter from General Butler addressed to the President, proposing to send in ploughs, harrows, and farming utensils to loyal farmers in North Carolina, in ex- change for cotton and products of the country, — plausible and taking rascality. The President indorsed that he ap- proved the object. On this General Butler granted a per- mit. Captain Smith, senior officer in the Sounds, declined to recognize it, but detained the boat and sent the papers to Admiral Lee. The latter failed — called the paper many names, said President's permit must be respected.
1864] VERDICT IN THE SCOFIELD CASE 57
I showed the papers to Seward and Blair, and was dis- posed to telegraph and detain the vessel. B. was inclined, though doubtingly, to favor my views, S. advised waiting the arrival of the President, but both condemned the pro- ceedings as wholly improper.
Some warm discussion took place, Rice tells me, in the House on the currency and financial questions, showing serious differences in the Ways and Means Committee and between them and the Secretary of the Treasury. It will not surprise me should radical differences be developed. The whole system is one of error, ruinous error to the coun- try.
June 24, Friday. Telegraphed to Wilson directly on reaching Department (and finding no letter from Wilson), directing him to bail the Smiths in sums of $20,000 each.
Have given some examination of the Scofield trial, which is very voluminous, and had Watkins investigate, review, and report. I conclude to approve the finding, though there may be some irregularities and mistakes adverse to the Government. Mr. Bliss, counsel for S., filed a docu- ment, excepting to some legal points, yesterday. To-day, after learning my conclusion and looking at the finding, he takes stronger exceptions and declares the finding not conformable to facts and evidence. He wishes me to sub- mit the legal questions to the Attorney-General or some one else. Alluded to Mr. Eames. Wishes Mr. Watkins to examine the evidence. To Eames he says that it is the intention of Scofield and his counsel to prosecute the mem- bers of the court individually for false imprisonment. To Watkins, he further says that it is their intention to hold me accountable, and to have me arrested when I am in New York. All this does not induce me to change my con- clusion of approving the verdict of the court martial, but I think it may be proper to advise the court that it is in error on the subject of jurisdiction, — that they can take cognizance of open-market purchases as well as others, and
58 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [junE24
though, had they done so, the punishment might have been greater, yet I will still approve the finding. Let him have the benefit of the mistake the court has made.
Fox is much dissatisfied with the verdict. Thinks it in- adequate; should have been imprisoned five years and fined one hundred thousand dollars. He wishes me to return the papers for revision, and to state the punishment is inade- quate. But this is not advisable, even were it strictly cor- rect and allowable. The ends desired will be accomplished by this punishment. A more severe one, such as he sug- gests, will endanger a reaction.
The President was in very good spirits at the Cabinet. His journey has done him good, physically, and strength- ened him mentally and inspired confidence in the General and army. Chase was not at the Cabinet-meeting. I know not if he is at home, but he latterly makes it a point not to attend. No one was more prompt and punctual than him- self until about a year since. As the Presidential contest approached he has ceased in a great measure to come to the meetings. Stanton is but little better. If he comes, it is to whisper to the President, or take the dispatches or the papers from his pocket and go into a corner with the Pre- sident. When he has no specialty of his own, he withdraws after some five or ten minutes.
Mr. Seward generally attends the Cabinet-meetings, but the questions and matters of his Department he sel- dom brings forward. These he discusses with the President alone. Some of them he communicates to me, because it is indispensable that I should be informed, but the other mem- bers are generally excluded.
June 25, Saturday. There are some blunders in the finding of the court in Scofield's case that I do not like. I telegraphed to Wilson, Judge-Advocate, to come here for consultation and explanation, but a telegram just received says he is unable from indisposition.
The Treasury management is terrible, ruinous. Navy
1864] CHASE'S MISMANAGEMENT 59
requisitions are wantonly withheld for weeks, to the ruin of the contractor. In the end the government will suffer greatly, for persons will not under these ruinous delays deal with the government at ordinary current rates. The pay of the sailors and workmen is delayed until they are almost mutinous and riotous. There is no justifiable excuse for this neglect. But Mr. Chase, having committed blunders in his issues, is now desirous of retiring certain paper, and avails himself of funds of creditors on naval account to ac- complish this. It is most unjust. The money honestly due to government creditors should not be withheld for Treas- ury schemes, or to retrieve its mistakes.
I am daily more dissatisfied with the Treasury manage- ment. Everything is growing worse. Chase, though a man of mark, has not the sagacity, knowledge, taste, or ability of a financier. Has expedients, and will break down the government. There is no one to check him. The President has surrendered the finances to his management entirely. Other members of the Cabinet are not consulted. Any dis- sent from, or doubts even, of his measures is considered as a declaration of hostility and an embarrassment of his ad- ministration. I believe I am the only one who has expressed opinions that questioned his policy, and that expression was mild and kindly uttered. Blair said about as much and both [he and I] were lectured by Chase. But he knew not then, nor does he know now, the elementary principles of finance and currency. Congress surrenders to his capri- cious and superficial qualities as pliantly as the President and the Cabinet. If they do not legalize his projects, the Treasury is to be closed, and under a threat, or something approaching a threat, his schemes are sanctioned, and laws are made to carry them into effect ; but woe awaits the country in consequence.
June 27, Monday. I sent Mr. Eames to New York last evening to consult with Mr. Wilson in the New York and Boston cases, giving my views in each. Henderson will
60 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [june 27
struggle hard to get clear, and no effort must be spared to elicit the truth. Scofield's case must be straightened, or rather court must be straightened in his case. In the case of the Smiths at Boston, I fear there has been unnecessary harshness. Olcott has made an ostentatious display of au- thority and been, I apprehend, tyrannical and oppressive. He is a harsh, rough instrument, and I shall be glad when he shall have done service with me. Yet in saying this I admit from what I have seen he has some good qualities as a detective. I have seen nothing to doubt his honesty; he is industrious and indefatigable, but vain, reckless, re- gardless of private rights, and all his qualities have been exercised in the case of the Smiths, who are shrewd, piously honest, self-righteous, and wary as well as sharp. It will not surprise me if they prove an overmatch for him and the lawyers.
I have a very earnest letter to-day from William C. Bryant in behalf of his partner and publisher, Henderson. It was handed to me by Mr. Odell, Representative from Brooklyn, and inclosed was also an open letter to the Pre- sident, which he wished me to deliver. Mr. 0. is, like H., a prominent member of the Methodist Church. They are of opposite politics. Of course Mr. H. stimulated Mr. B. to write these letters, and, having got them, sends them through his religious associate. Mr. B. evidently believes H. innocent and injured. This is natural. Odell knows he is not. Morgan believes that both Bryant and Godwin are participants in the plunder of Henderson. I have doubts as regards B., who is feeling very badly, and thinks there is a conspiracy in which Seward and Thurlow Weed are chiefs. I am supposed to be an instrument in their hands, and so is the President. But it so happens that neither of them knew any of the facts until the arrest of Henderson and his removal were ordered.
It grieves me that the Evening Post and Mr. Bryant should suffer by reason of the malfeasance of Henderson. As regards Godwin, I cannot say that my faith in him is
1864] THE EVENING POST'S EDITORS 61
much greater than in Henderson, and yet I know but little of him. The Evening Post does not sustain the character which it had under Bigelow and Leggett. Bryant is a good general editor in many respects, but the political character of the paper has been derived in a great degree from others. Of late there have been some bad surroundings. Opdyke, J. G. C. Gray, D. D. Field, and others of like complexion have been the regents and advisers of Godwin, until the paper is losing some of its former character, — perhaps more than any of us are aware.
I dined to-day with Attorney- General Bates, and after my return this evening wrote a reply to Bryant's letter, disabusing his mind of some of its errors, provided his convictions are open to the truth.
Mrs. Franklin W. Smith of Boston sends me through Senator Sumner a touching and affecting letter in behalf of her husband. I gave Mr. Bryant's letter to the President, who read it aloud to me and said he would reply.
June 28, Tuesday. We have bad news from Sherman to-day. Neither Seward, Chase, nor Stanton was at the Cabinet-meeting. The President, like myself, slightly in- disposed.
Mrs. General Hunter was at our house this evening and has tidings of a favorable character from her husband, who is in the western part of Virginia. Has done great mischief to the Rebels, and got off safely and well. This small bit of good news is a relief, as we are getting nothing good from the great armies.
Gold has gone up to 240. Paper, which our financiers make the money standard, is settling down out of sight. This is the result of the gold bill and similar measures, yet Chase learns no wisdom. We are hurrying onward into a financial abyss. There is no vigorous mind in Congress to check the current, and the prospect is dark for the country under the present financial management. It cannot be sus- tained.
62 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [june 29
June 29, Wednesday. Nothing from the army. We hear that the pirate Alabama is at Cherbourg. Is she to remain there to be repaired? Seward tells me he knows one of the French armed vessels recently sold is for Sweden, and he has little doubt both are; that the French government is not deceitful in this matter.
Congress is getting restive and discontented with the financial management. The papers speak of the appoint- ment of Field, Assistant Secretary, to be Assistant Treas- urer at New York, in the place of Cisco. I doubt if any one but Chase would think of him for the place, and Chase, as usual, does not know the reason. But Field has talents, and Chase takes him from association. Morgan prefers Hillhouse, and Seward wants Blatchford.
The closing hours of Congress are crowded, as usual, but I believe matters are about as square as usual. Our naval bills have mostly been disposed of.
June 30, Thursday. All were surprised to-day with the resignation of Secretary Chase and the nomination of Gov- ernor David Tod as his successor. I knew nothing of it till the fact was told me by Senator Doolittle, who came to see and advise with me, supposing I knew something of the circumstances. But I was wholly ignorant. Chase had not thought proper to consult me as to his resignation, nor had the President as to his action upon it, or the selection. My first impression was that he had consulted Seward and per- haps Blair. I learn, however, he advised with none of his Cabinet, but acted from his own impulses. I have doubts of Tod's ability for this position, though he has good com- mon sense and was trained in the right school, being a hard-money man. Not having seen the President since this movement took place, I do not comprehend his policy. It can hardly be his intention to reverse the action of Chase entirely without consulting those who are associated with him in the Government. And yet the selection of Tod indi- cates that, if there be any system in the movement. The
SALMON P. CHASE
n*uc Lmm[
1864] THE RESIGNATION OF CHASE 63
President has given but little attention to finance and the currency, but yet he can hardly be ignorant of the fact that Chase and Tod are opposites. The selection of Tod is a move in the right direction if he has made the subject a sufficient study to wield the vast machine. On this point I have my doubts. His nomination will disturb the ''Bub- bles," — the paper-money men, — and the question was not acted upon but referred to the Finance Committee, who have been with the Senate. I have no doubt their astonish- ment at the obtrusion of a hard-money man upon them was made manifest.
Blair and Bates both called at my house this evening and gave me to understand they were as much taken by sur- prise as myself. Mr. Bates says he knows nothing of T. Blair expresses more apprehensions even than myself, who have my doubts.
The retirement of Chase, so far as I hear opinions ex- pressed, — and they are generally freely given, — appears to give relief rather than otherwise, which surprises me. I had thought it might create a shock for a brief period, though I did not fear that it would be lasting. I look upon it as a blessing. The country could not go on a great while longer under his management, which has been one of expe- dients and of no fixed principles, or profound and correct financial knowledge.
It is given out that a disagreement between himself and the President in relation to the appointment of Assistant Treasurer at New York was the cause of his leaving. I think likely that was the occasion of his tendering his re- signation, and I have little doubt he was greatly surprised that it was accepted. He may not admit this, but it is none the less true, I apprehend. Yet there were some circum- stances to favor his going, — there is a financial gulf ahead.
XXI
Governor Tod declines the Treasury Portfolio and Senator Fessenden ia appointed — The Sinking of the Alabama — Cabinet Discussion of the Cotton Trade — The Trial of General Dix for suspending two N ew York Papers — The Kearsarge and the Alabama — Ignorance in the War Office as to the Confederate Invasion of Maryland — The Con- federates near Washington — Watching the Fighting from Fort Stevens — Conversation with General Halleck — Solicitor Whiting on Halleck's Incompetency — The Attitude of the New York Evening Post towards the Navy Department after Agent Henderson's Removal — The Mistakes in the Light-draft Monitors — Thomas G. Welles goes to the Front — Greeley's Futile Interference — The Unofficial Peace Movements — Blair speaks his Mind — Talk with Solicitor Whiting on Reconstruction — Secretary Fessenden advertises a New Loan — Newspaper Attack on the Navy Department.
July 1, Friday. This day is the anniversary of my birth. I am sixty-two years of age. Life is brief. Should I survive another year, I shall then have attained my grand climac- teric. Yet it is but the journey of a day, and of those who set out with me in the morning of life how few remain! Each year thins out the ranks of those who went with me to the old district school in my childhood.
Governor Tod has declined the position of Secretary of the Treasury. It does not surprise me. Senator Fessenden has been appointed, who will, it is said, accept, which does surprise me. I doubt if his health will permit him to bear the burden. He has abilities; is of the same school as Chase. Has been Chairman of the Committee of Finance during Chase's administration of the Treasury, and, I have sup- posed, a supporter of his policy. Yet I have had an im- pression that Fessenden is an improvement upon Chase, and I trust he is.
But the President's course is a riddle. Tod is a hard- money man ; Fessenden has pressed through Congress the paper system of Chase. One day Tod is selected ; on his re-
1864] THE SINKING OF THE ALABAMA 65
fusal, Fessenden is brought forward. This can in no other way be reconciled than in the President's want of know- ledge of the subject. His attention never has been given to the finances. He seems not aware that within twenty-four hours he has swung to opposite extremes.
Seward can hardly have been consulted, for Fessenden has been his sharp and avowed opponent of late, and unless he has changed, or shall change, will prove a trouble- some man for him in the Cabinet.
The President has great regard for Chase's abilities but is glad to be relieved of him, for C. has been a load of late, — is a little disappointed and dissatisfied, has been cap- tious, and uncertain, favored the faultfinders, and, in a way, encouraged opposition to the President.
July 2, Saturday. The last business day of the session, and many of the Members have gone home already. Much is done and omitted to be done during the last hours of Congress. Members do wrong in abandoning their post at these important periods, and no one who does it should be trusted. I am told by the members of our naval commit- tees that all naval matters are rightly done up in the two houses, but I discredit it. Some matters will be lost, and hurried legislation is always attended with errors.
July 5, Tuesday. On the morning of Sunday the 3rd, went with Postmaster-General Blair and family and my own family, also Mr. Fox, Mr. Faxon, Dr. Horwitz, Com- mander Aulick on an excursion down the Potomac and Bay to the Capes, to Norfolk, and Fortress Monroe, returning to Washington this a.m. at five o'clock. National salutes were fired from the American, English, and French frigates and also from the Fortress at meridian on the 4th. The jaunt was very pleasant.
i Telegrams this a.m. inform us that the pirate Alabama was sunk on the 19th of June off Cherbourg by the steamer Kearsarge, Commodore Winslow, after a fight of one hour
66 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [julys
and a half. Informed the President and Cabinet of the tidings, which was a matter of general congratulation and rejoicing.
Mr. Fessenden appeared at Cabinet-meeting as the suc- cessor of Mr. Chase. Although the regular day of meeting, all were specially notified, and all promptly attended. The President appeared more constrained and formal than usual. When Mr. Stanton came in, he was accompanied by a clerk, whom he seated at the President's table. The sub- ject of trade and especially trade in cotton with the Rebels, was the subject of general interest which the President de- sired to lay before us. He appeared to have no fixed pur- pose in his own mind. Alluded to a Mr. Atkinson who had called on him. Said that Mr. A. had impressed him with some very striking facts. The most prominent was, that although the Rebels sold less cotton they received about as much for it in consequence of high price as when they had more of the article. The President thought it might be well to take measures to secure the cotton, but was opposed to letting the Rebels have gold.
Seward was voluble but not clear and pointed. Fessen- den had seen Atkinson, had interview with him, thought him intelligent. On the subject of trade with the Rebels was not posted. Stanton made extended, and in the main sensible and correct, remarks, being wholly opposed to fighting and trading at the same time with the Rebels, ground which I have uniformly taken, but have not al- ways been supported. Blair made a few sensible remarks, as did Mr. Bates. Usher, thinking it apparently a duty to say something, talked without much point or force, on a subject he did not understand, nor to which he had given much attention. Mr. Bates made a legal suggestion. As Stanton had pretty clearly expressed my views, I did not care to multiply words farther than to say so, and to regret that a bill had passed the last moment of the session depriv- ing the Mississippi Squadron of prize.
This was done, I understand, at the instigation of Chase,
1864] THE TRIAL OF GENERAL DIX 67
who could not have been aware of the effect of what he urged. The incidental remarks of some of the gentlemen on the subject of trade, and especially of restrictions on gold, struck me as the wretched remnants of error which I hope will go out with Mr. Chase. I also trust we shall get rid of his trade regulations, trading agents, and other mis- chievous machinery.
The subject of the arrest and trial of General Dix in New York for suspending the publication of the World and Jour- nal of Commerce was brought forward. There was a little squeamishness with some on the subject. The President very frankly avowed the act to be his, and he thought the government should protect Dix. Seward was positive and bold on that.
I expressed no opinion, nor did Blair or Bates. While I regret that the papers should have been suppressed or meddled with, I would not, I think, permit a general officer to be arrested and tried by a State judge for obeying an order of the President. If there is a disposition to try the question before the United States tribunals, it would be well to permit it. This was my hasty conclusion.
July 6, Wednesday. Admiral Porter called on me to-day direct from his command. Had a long interview on his affairs.
Received dispatches to-day from Captain Winslow of the Kearsarge relative to sinking the Alabama. Wrote congratulatory letter. There is great rejoicing throughout the country over this success, which is universally and justly conceded a triumph over England as well as over the Rebels. In my first draft, I made a point or two, rather too strong perhaps, against England and the mercenary, pirat- ical spirit of Semmes, who had accumulated chronometers.
While our people generally award me more credit than I deserve in this matter, a malevolent partisan spirit exhibits itself in some, which would find fault with me because this battle did not sooner take place. These assaults disturb me
68 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [julyc
less, perhaps, than they ought; they give me very little uneasiness because I know them to be groundless. Violent attacks have been made upon the Department and myself for the reason that our naval vessels were not efficient, had no speed ; but in the account of the battle, the Kearsarge is said, by way of lessening the calamity, to have had greater steaming power than the Alabama, and to have controlled the movement. Our large smooth-bore guns, the Dahl- grens, have been ridiculed and denounced by the enemies of the Navy Department, but the swift destruction of the Alabama is now imputed to the great guns which tore her in pieces.
A summer raid down the valley of the Shenandoah by the Rebels and the capture of Harper's Ferry are exciting mat- ters, and yet the War Department is disinclined to com- municate the facts. Of course, I will not ask. A few words from Stanton about " cursed mistakes of our generals," loss of stores that had been sent forward, bode disaster. General Sigel is beaten and not the man for the command given him, I apprehend. He is always overwhelmed and put on the run. It is represented that the Rebel army is in large force, 30,000 strong, under Ewell. We always have big scares from that quarter and sometimes pretty serious realities. I can hardly suppose Ewell there with such a command without the knowledge of Grant, and I should suppose we would hear of the movement of such a body from other sources. But the military authorities seem not to know of them.
I have sometimes thought that Lee might make a sudden dash in the direction of Washington or above, and inflict great injury before our troops could interfere, or Grant move a column to protect the city. But likely Grant has thought and is prepared for this ; yet he displays little strat- egy or invention.
July 7, Thursday. I am apprehensive of trouble in mak- ing future contracts. Old contractors have been attacked
1864] A CONFEDERATE RAID 69
and called to account, and will be shy. But the great damage is from the neglect or delay of the Treasury, which does not pay. Honest contracts are not fairly treated by the Treas- ury. Men are kept out of their money after due, wrong- fully. I had the material, and began the preparation, for a pretty strong statement to Mr. Chase at the time he re- signed.
Very mischievous efforts are being made in some quar- ters to injure the President and assist Chase by reason of his going out. I know nothing of the particulars from either of them, but I feel a conviction that the country is bene- fited by Mr. Chase's retirement. His longer continuance in the Treasury would have been a calamity. It would have been better could he have left earlier.
July 8, Friday. The War Department keeps very close as to matters at Harper's Ferry and vicinity. There is either little knowledge of what is doing, or a very great reluctance to communicate. Mr. Felton, President of the Philadelphia, Wilmington & Baltimore R. R. sends me a letter by private hands, stating that while he was not alarmed, he desired a gunboat at Gunpowder Creek, etc., to protect railroad property. Sent Fox to inquire of Gen- eral Halleck as to the necessity. General H. thinks it un- necessary; but will advise us in season if wanted. Beyond this nothing is communicated.
Stanton tells me that he has no idea the Rebels are in any force above, and should not give them a serious thought, but that Grant says he thinks they are in force, without, however, giving his reasons or any facts. The President has been a good deal incredulous about a very large army on the upper Potomac, yet he begins to mani- fest anxiety. But he is under constraint, I perceive, such as I know is sometimes imposed by the dunderheads at the War Office, when they are in a fog, or scare, and know not what to say or do. It is not natural or the way of the Pre- sident to withhold information, or speculation at such times,
70 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [julys
and I can always tell how things are with Halleck and Stanton when there are important movements going on. The President is now enjoined to silence, while Halleck is in a perfect maze, bewildered, without intelligent decision or self-reliance, and Stanton is wisely ignorant. I am inclined to believe, however, that at this time profound ignorance reigns at the War Department concerning the Rebel raid in the Shenandoah Valley; that they absolutely ;know nothing of it, — its numbers, where it is, or its destination. It has to me appeared more mischievous than to others. I think we are in no way prepared for it, and a fierce onset could not well be resisted. It is doubtful, however, whether the onset will be made, for it is the nature of man to lose his opportunities. The true course of the Rebels is to strike at once at this point.
July 9, Saturday. The Rebel invasion of Maryland, if not so large or formidable as last year and year before, looks to me very annoying, the more so because I learn no- thing satisfactory or reliable from the War Office, and am persuaded there is both neglect and ignorance there. It is evident there have not been sufficient preparations, but they are beginning to move. Yet they hardly have any ac- curate information. Stanton seems stupid, Halleck always does. I am not, I believe, an alarmist, and, as I have more than once said, I do not deem this raid formidable if rightly and promptly met, but it may, from inattention and neglect, become so. It is a scheme of Lee's strategy, but where is Grant's?
The Blairs have left, strangely, it appears to me, at this time, on a fishing excursion among the mountain streams of interior Pennsylvania, and the ladies have hastily run off from Silver Spring to Cape May, leaving their premises at a critical moment.
Our Alabama news comes in opportunely to encourage and sustain the nation's heart. It does them as well as me good to dwell upon the subject and the discomfiture of the
1864] THE ENEMY NEAR WASHINGTON 71
British and Rebels. The perfidy of the former is as infam- ous as the treason of the latter. Both were whipped by the Kearsarge, a Yankee ship with a Yankee commander and a Yankee crew.
July 10, Sunday. When at the Department, Sunday morning, the 10th, examining my mail, one of the clerks came in and stated that the Rebel pickets were on the out- skirts of Georgetown, within the District lines. There had been no information to warn us of this near approach of the enemy, but my informant was so positive — and soon confirmed by another — that I sent to the War Depart- ment to ascertain the facts. They were ignorant — had heard street rumors, but they were unworthy of notice — and ridiculed my inquiry.
Later I learned that young King, son of my neighbor Z. P. K., was captured by the Rebel pickets within the Dis- trict lines and is a prisoner.
July 11, Monday. The Rebels are upon us. Having visited upper Maryland, they are turning their attention hitherward. General Wallace has been defeated, and it was yesterday current that General Tyler and Colonel Seward were prisoners, the latter wounded. But it seems only the last is true of the latter.
There is now a call from the War Department for gun- boats at Havre de Grace, Gunpowder and Bush Rivers. Have ordered off three, but was afraid they would not ar- rive in season, for the call was not made and its necessity was scouted at Headquarters until the Rebels had cut the York and Baltimore Road. We have word by telegram this p.m. that the bridge over Gunpowder has been burned but a gunboat was on hand. Have no particulars.
Tom G. Welles was this day appointed to the staff of General McCook. I regret his passion for the service and his recklessness and youth.
The Rebel pickets appear in strength in front of Forts
72 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jxtltii
Stevens and DeRussy on the borders and within the Dis- trict lines. Went to Stanton, but got from him nothing at all. He exhibits none of the alarm and fright I have seen in him on former occasions. It is evident he considers the force not large, or such that cannot be controlled, and yet he cannot tell their number nor where they are.
I rode out this evening to Fort Stevens, latterly called Fort Massachusetts. Found General Wright and General McCook with what I am assured is an ample force for its defense. Passed and met as we returned three or four thousand, perhaps more, volunteers under General Meigs, going to the front. Could see the line of pickets of both armies in the valley, extending a mile or more. There was continual firing, without many casualties so far as I could observe, or hear. Two houses in the vicinity were in flames, set on fire by our own people, because they obstructed the range of our guns and gave shelter to Rebel sharpshooters. Other houses and buildings had also been destroyed. A pretty grove nearly opposite the fort was being cut down. War would not spare the tree, if the woodman had.
I inquired where the Rebel force was, and the officers said over the hills, pointing in the direction of Silver Spring. Are they near Gunpowder or Baltimore? Where are they? Oh! within a short distance, a mile or two only. I asked why their whereabouts was not ascertained, and their strength known. The reply was that we had no fresh cavalry.
The truth is the forts around Washington have been vacated and the troops sent to General Grant, who was promised reinforcements to take Richmond. But he has been in its vicinity more than a month, resting, apparently, after his bloody march, but has effected nothing since his arrival on the James, nor displayed any strategy, while Lee has sent a force threatening the National Capital, and we are without force for its defense. Citizens are volunteer- ing, and the employees in the navy yard are required to man the fortifications left destitute. Stanton and Halleck,
1864] THE ENEMY NEAR WASHINGTON 73
who scouted Fenton's application and bluffed my inquir- ies, are now the most alarmed men in Washington.
I am sorry to see so little reliable intelligence. It strikes me that the whole demonstration is weak in numbers but strong in conception that the Rebels have but a small force. I am satisfied no attack is now to be apprehended on the city; the Rebels have lost a remarkable opportunity. But on our part there is neglect, ignorance, folly, imbe- cility, in the last degree. The Rebels are making a show of fight while they are stealing horses, cattle, etc., through Maryland. They might easily have captured Washington. Stanton, Halleck, and Grant are asleep or dumb.
The waste of war is terrible; the waste from imbecility and mismanagement is more terrible and more trying than from the ravages of the soldiers. It is impossible for the coun- try to bear up under these monstrous errors and wrongs. ,
July 12, Tuesday. The Rebels captured a train of cars on the Philadelphia and Baltimore Road, and have burnt the bridges over Gunpowder and Bush Rivers. It is said there were 1500 of these raiders.
Governor Bradford's house, a short distance out of Bal- timore, was burnt by a small party. General demoraliza- tion seems to have taken place among the troops, and there is as little intelligence among them as at the War Office in regard to the Rebels. General Wallace and his force were defeated, and panic and folly have prevailed.
Admiral Goldsborough and some of our naval officers tendered their services, if required. It seemed to me unne- cessary, for I do not believe the Rebels have a large con- centrated force in this vicinity, or that they design to make an attack on the city, but for the Navy to hold back when all are being called out would appear bad. I there- fore requested Fox to see General Halleck, who much wanted aid, and Goldsborough and the men were therefore ordered and have gone to Fort Lincoln. It would be much better to keep them at work.
74 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [julyi2
We have no mails, and the telegraph lines have been cut; so that we are without news or information from the outer world.
Went to the President's at 12, being day of regular Cab- inet-meeting. Messrs. Bates and Usher were there. The President was signing a batch of commissions. Fessenden is absent in New York. Blair informs me he had been early at the council chamber and the President told him no mat- ters were to be brought forward. The condition of affairs connected with the Rebels on the outskirts was discussed. The President said he and Seward had visited several of the fortifications. I asked where the Rebels were in force. He said he did not know with certainty, but he thought the main body at Silver Spring.
I expressed a doubt whether there was any large force at any one point, but that they were in squads of from 500 to perhaps 1500 scattered along from the Gunpowder to the falls of the Potomac, who kept up an alarm on the outer rim while the marauders were driving off horses and cattle. The President did not respond farther than to again re- mark he thought there must be a pretty large force in the neighborhood of Silver Spring.
I am sorry there should be so little accurate knowledge of the Rebels, sorry that at such a time there is not a full Cabinet, and especially sorry that the Secretary of War is not present. In the interviews which I have had with him, I can obtain no facts, no opinions. He seems dull and stu- pefied. Others tell me the same.
It was said yesterday that the mansions of the Blairs were burned, but it is to-day contradicted.
Rode out this p.m. to Fort Stevens. Went up to the summit of the road on the right of the fort. There were many collected. Looking out over the valley below, where the continual popping of the pickets was still going on, though less brisk than yesterday, I saw a line of our men lying close near the bottom of the valley. Senator Wade came up beside me. Our views corresponded that the
1864] WATCHING THE FIGHTING 75
Rebels were few in front, and that our men greatly ex- ceeded them in numbers. We went together into the fort, where we found the President, who was sitting in the shade, his back against the parapet towards the enemy.
Generals Wright and McCook informed us they were about to open battery and shell the Rebel pickets, and after three discharges an assault was to be made by two regiments who were lying in wait in the valley.
The firing from the battery was accurate. The shells that were sent into a fine mansion occupied by the Rebel sharpshooters soon set it on fire. As the firing from the fort ceased, our men ran to the charge and the Rebels fled. We could see them running across the fields, seeking the woods on the brow of the opposite hills. It was an interesting and exciting spectacle. But below we could see here and there some of our own men bearing away their wounded com- rades. I should judge the distance to be something over three hundred yards. Occasionally a bullet from some long- range rifle passed above our heads. One man had been shot in the fort a few minutes before we entered.
As we came out of the fort, four or five of the wounded men were carried by on stretchers. It was nearly dark as we left. Driving in, as was the case when driving out, we passed fields as well as roads full of soldiers, horses, teams, mules. Camp-fires lighted up the woods, which seemed to be more eagerly sought than the open fields.
The day has been exceedingly warm, and the stragglers by the wayside were many. Some were doubtless sick, some were drunk, some weary and exhausted. Then men on horseback, on mules, in wagons as well as on foot, bat- teries of artillery, caissons, an innumerable throng. It was exciting and wild. Much of life and much of sadness. Strange that in this age and country there is this strife and struggle, under one of the most beneficent governments which ever blessed mankind and all in sight of the Cap- itol.
In times gone by I had passed over these roads little
76 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [july 12
anticipating scenes like this, and a few years hence they will scarcely be believed to have occurred.
July 13, Wednesday. It is no doubt true that the Rebels have left. I called on General Halleck on a matter of busi- ness, and while there, about 11, he had a telegram saying the Rebels passed through Rockville to the northwest about 3 this a.m. They are making, I remarked, for Ed- wards Ferry and will get off with their plunder if we have no force there to prevent. He said it was by no means cer- tain they would cross at Edwards Ferry. We looked over the map together, and he, like myself, thought it prob- able they had taken that course. I remarked that they ap- peared not to have concentrated their force at any one place. Halleck asked by what authority I said that. There was harshness and spite in his tone. I coolly said by my own judgment and the observation of almost any one who had any intelligence on the subject. He said he did not think I had heard so from any military man who knew anything about it. I said no military man or any other had been able to tell me where they were concentrated to the amount of five thousand. Nor have I found any except Halleck, Hitchcock, and a few around the Department ex- press an opinion that there was a large number, or that they were concentrated. They were defiant and insolent, our men were resolute and brave, but the Bureau generals were alarmed and ignorant, and have made themselves and the Administration appear contemptible.
The Rebels, before leaving, burnt the house of Judge Blair, Postmaster-General. This they claimed to have done in retaliation for the destruction of the house of Governor Letcher, — a disgraceful act and a disgraceful precedent. I have no idea that General Hunter or any officer author- ized the burning of Letcher's house. It was doubtless done by some miscreants, hangers-on, stragglers, who ought to be punished. But men in authority appear to have had direction in burning Blair's house.
1S64] A NATIONAL DISGRACE 77
July 14, Thursday. Communication is again opened with the North. It is evident there was never any force sufficient to have interrupted it, had there been ordinary ability and sagacity on the part of the military. The Chron- icle and the army papers are striving to make it appear there was a large Rebel force and that there had been seri- ous danger, — that we have had a great deliverance.
July 15, Friday. We had some talk at Cabinet-meeting to-day on the Rebel invasion. The President wants to be- lieve there was a large force, and yet evidently his private convictions are otherwise. But the military leaders, the War Office, have insisted there was a large force. We have done nothing, and it is more gratifying to our self-pride to believe there were many of them, especially as we are likely to let them off with considerable plunder scot-free.
The National Intelligencer comments with a good deal of truth and ability on our national humiliation, as exempli- fied in this late affair. There is no getting away from the statements and facts presented.
Seward and Stanton seem disturbed. There is something which does not suit them. Seward followed Stanton out, and had a talk in the anteroom. I met Solicitor Whiting as I left the White House, who was very anxious to talk. Deplored the miserable military management. Imputes the whole folly and scare to General Halleck. Says Stanton has disapproved his policy, but [that] the President clings to Halleck, who is damaging him and the Administration greatly; that Halleck and Blair are both injuring the Pre- sident. "Why," said I, "you do not mean to identify Blair with this pitiful business." " Oh no," said he, "but Blair is so perverse on the slavery question that he is getting all the radical element of the country against the Administra- tion." As I did not care to enter into controversy on that topic, and it was late, I left him. But the conversation indicates that Stanton intends to throw off responsibility on to Halleck.
78 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [july 15
Grant and the Army of the Potomac are reposing in im- mense force near Richmond. Our troops have been sent from here and drawn from all quarters to reinforce the great army, which has suffered immense losses in its march, without accomplishing anything except to reach the ground from which McClellan was withdrawn. While daily rein- forced, Grant could push on to a given point, but he seems destitute of strategy or skill, while Lee exhibits tact. This raid, which might have taken Washington and which has for several days cut off our communications with the North, was devised by Lee while beleaguered at Richmond, and, though failing to do as much as might have been ac- complished, has effected a good deal.
The deportment of Stanton has been wholly different during this raid from any former one. He has been quiet, subdued, and apparently oppressed with some matter that gave him disquiet. On former occasions he has been active, earnest, violent, alarmed, apprehensive of danger from every quarter. It may be that he and Halleck have dis- agreed. Neither of them has done himself credit at this time.
The arrest of Henderson, Navy Agent, and his removal from office have seriously disturbed the editors of the Even- ing Post, who seem to make his cause their own. This sub- ject coming up to-day, I told the President of the conduct of his District Attorney, Delafield Smith, who, when the case was laid before him by Mr. Wilson, attorney for the Department, remarked that it was not worth while to prosecute, that the same thing was done by others, at Washington as well as New York, and no notice was taken of it. Wilson asked him if he, the prosecuting law officer of the Government, meant to be understood as saying it was not worth while to notice embezzlement, etc. I related this to the President, who thereupon brought out a cor- respondence that had taken place between himself and W. C. Bryant. The latter averred that H. was innocent, and denounced Savage, the principal witness against him,
1864] ATTITUDE OF THE EVENING POST 79
because arrested and under bonds. To this the President replied that the character of Savage before his arrest was as good as Henderson's before he was arrested. He stated that he knew nothing of H.'s alleged malfeasance until brought to his notice by me, in a letter, already written, for his removal ; that he inquired of me if I was satisfied he was guilty ; that I said I was ; and that he then directed, or said to me, "Go ahead, let him be removed."
These are substantially the facts. I said to him that the attorneys who had investigated the subject expressed a full conviction of his guilt; that I had come to the same con- clusion, and did not see how a prosecution and summary proceedings could be avoided.
The Evening Post manifests a belligerent spirit, and ev- idently intends to make war upon the Navy Department because I will not connive at the malfeasance of its pub- lisher. In a cautious and timid manner they have sup- ported the policy of the Navy Department hitherto, though fearful of being taunted for so doing. Because their pub- lisher was Navy Agent they have done this gently. But they now, since Henderson's arrest and trial, assail the monitors and the monitor system, which they have hither- to supported, and insidiously and unfairly misrepresent them and the Department.
I am surprised at the want of judgment manifested in hastening to make this assault. It would have been more politic, certainly, to have delayed, for the motive which leads them to make this abrupt turn cannot be misunder- stood. They know it is painful for me to prosecute one of their firm, that it pains me to believe him guilty, but that when the facts are presented, they should know me well enough to be aware that I would not cover or conceal the rascality even to oblige them. I claim no merit, but I deserve no censure for this plain and straightforward dis- charge of my duty.
I hear it said to-day that there has been disagreement between Stanton and Grant ; that the latter had ordered
80 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [july 15
General Hinks to Point Lookout and Stanton counter- manded the order for General Barnes.
July 16, Saturday. Mr. Faxon, Chief Clerk, is ill and leaves for New York in the Tacoma. Shall greatly miss him. No one can fill his place. Thomas G. Welles is with his general, McCook, relieved from duty at Fort Stevens. I observe and have for some time past that the Gazette at Cincinnati, a paper in the interest of Mr. Chase, has been violent and reckless in its assaults on the Navy Depart- ment. With some smattering information of matters gen- erally, there is much palpable ignorance in regard to our monitors, ordnance, etc.
July 18, Monday. I yesterday went with my sons and Dr. Horwitz to Silver Spring, passing over the ground of the late fight. The chimneys of the burnt houses, the still barricaded road, the trampled fields, and other evid- ences bear testimony to what had occurred. The Blairs were absent from Silver Spring, but we turned down the lane which leads to it and went to the walls of Montgomery Blair's house, situated pleasantly on a little wooded em- inence. But all was silent. Waste and war. Judge B. tells me the house and furniture cost him just about $20,000. The Rebels have done him this injury, and yet some whom they have never personally harmed denounce him as not earnest in the cause, as favoring the Rebels and their views. We went through the grounds to the mansion of the elder Mr. Blair. The place was less injured than I had supposed, and there must have been extra pains taken for the preserv- ation" of the shrubbery and the growing crops. Fields of the best corn I have seen this year were untouched. What depredation or plunder had been committed in the house I could not tell, for it was closed. My son, who led our pickets, was the first to enter it after the Rebels left. He found some papers scattered over the floor, which he gath- ered up. There had been crowds of persons there filling
1864] THE MISTAKES IN THE MONITORS 81
the house, sleeping on the floors, prying into the family privacy, but not more rudely, perhaps, than our own sol- diers would have done, had the place been in their power.
July 19, Tuesday. At the Cabinet-meeting to-day, the President brought forward specially the riot in Coles County, Illinois, and the controversy between Governor Peirpoint and General Butler, with especial reference in the latter case to affairs at Norfolk, where the military authori- ties have submitted a vote to the inhabitants whether they will be governed by martial law. Of course the friends of civil administration, who denied the validity of the whole proceeding, would not vote, and the military had it all as they pleased. This exhibition of popular sovereignty de-. stroying itself pleases Butler. He claims to have found large quantities of whiskey, which he seized and sold. But, all the whiskey in Norfolk is there under permits issued. by himself. While Butler has talents and capacity, he is not to be trusted. The more I see of him, the greater is my distrust of his integrity. All whiskey carried to Norfolk is in violation of the blockade.
Mr. Ericsson and the newspapers are discussing the monitors. He is honest and intelligent, though too enthu- siastic, and claiming too much for his invention, but the newspapers are dishonest and ignorant in their statements, and their whole purpose is to assail the Department. But the system will vindicate itself. There have been errors and mistakes in the light-class monitors. I trusted too much to Fox and Stimers, and am therefore not blameless. But I was deceived, without its being intended perhaps, suppos- ing that Ericsson and Lenthall had a supervision of them until considerable progress had been made towards their completion. I confided in Fox, who was giving these ves- sels special attention, and he confided in Stimers without my being aware that he was giving him the exclusive man- agement of them. Fox and Lenthall were daily together, and I had not a doubt that much of the consultation was
2
82 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jttly 19
in regard to them, until, becoming concerned from what I heard, I questioned Lenthall direct, when he disclaimed all responsibility and almost all knowledge of them. I then inquired clearly and earnestly of Fox, who placed the whole blame on Stimers. The latter, I heard, had quar- relled with Ericsson and had been carrying forward the construction of these vessels, reporting and consulting with no one but Fox and Admiral Gregory.
July 20, Wednesday. My son, Thomas G. Welles, left to-day for the Army of the Potomac, having received orders from the War Department to report to General Grant. To part with him has been painful to me beyond what I can describe. Were he older and with more settled principles and habits, some of the anxieties which oppress me would be relieved. But he is yet a mere youth and has gone to the camp with boyish pride and enthusiasm, and will be in danger of being misled when beyond a parent's control. He is just eighteen and goes alone on his mission. I have tried to dissuade him so far as I could with pro- priety, but there was a point beyond which I could not well go. In the condition of the country and when others were periling their lives and the lives of their children, how could I refrain, and resist the earnest appeals of my son, whose heart was set upon going? To have positively pro- hibited him would have led to bad results, and perhaps not have accomplished the end desired. Yet it has been hard to part with him, and as he left me, I felt that it was uncer- tain whether we should ever meet again, and if we do he may be mutilated, and a ruined man. I have attended closely to my duties, but am sad, and unfit for any labor.
July 21, Thursday. Edgar and John left this morning for Connecticut.
Wrote a letter to Attorney-General Bates, transmitting copy of the report of Mr. Wilson inculpating Attorney Delafield Smith of New York in the management of the
1861] GREELEY'S FUTILE INTERFERENCE 83
prosecution of the Navy Agent for embezzlement, suggest- ing that it be laid before the President for such action as he may order. I have already mentioned the course of Smith to him. I am apprehensive that Smith himself may be liable to be called to account for malconduct in other re- spects. But he is a pet of Seward, who sometimes closes his eyes to the obliquities of his friends.
It will not surprise me if Seward, Weed, and Smith make friends with Henderson and the Evening Post concern, with whom they have hitherto quarrelled, and try to screen or exculpate Henderson. In so doing a common war will be made on me. The Post has broken ground already in a re- mote way but sufficient to indicate malice and revenge, and their determination to defend Henderson's guilt.
July 22, Friday. At the Cabinet-meeting the President read his correspondence with Horace Greeley on the sub- ject of peace propositions from George Saunders and others at Niagara Falls. The President has acquitted himself very well, — if he was to engage in the matter at all, — but I am sorry that he permits himself, in this irregular way, to be induced to engage in correspondence with irresponsible parties like Saunders and Clay or scheming busybodies like Greeley. There is no doubt that the President and the whole Administration are misrepresented and misunder- stood on the subject of peace, and Greeley is one of those who has done and is doing great harm and injustice in this matter. In this instance he was evidently anxious to thrust himself forward as an actor, and yet when once engaged he began to be alarmed; he failed to honestly and frankly communicate the President's first letters, as was his duty, but sent a letter of his own, which was not true and correct, and found himself involved in the meshes of his own frail net.
Colonel Jaquess is another specimen of inconsiderate and unwise, meddlesome interference. The President as- sented to his measure and gave him a card, or passport, to
84 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [july22
go beyond our lines. There is no doubt that the Colonel was sincere, but he found himself unequal to the task he had undertaken. Instead of persuading Jeff Davis to change his course, Davis succeeded in persuading poor Jaquess that the true course to be pursued was to let Davis & Co. do as they pleased. The result was that Jaquess and his friend Gilmore (alias Kirke), who went to Richmond to shear, came back shorn.
In these peace movements, the President has pursued his usual singular course. Seward was his only confidant and adviser, as usual in matters of the greatest importance. He says that Mr. Fessenden accidentally came in on other business while he was showing Seward the Greeley corre- spondence, and he was let into a knowledge of what was going on, but no one else. John Hay was subsequently told, before going off, and now, to-day, the Cabinet are made acquainted with what has been done. The President, instead of holding himself open to receive propositions, has imposed conditions and restrictions that will embarrass the parties.
July 25, Monday. There has been a little ferment in military circles, as newspaper correspondents write. Blair told me a few days since that Cutts came on his steps to sympathize and express his regret that the vandals should have burnt his (Blair's) house. Blair said that nothing better could be expected while poltroons and cowards had the management of military affairs. Cutts left abruptly. I now hear it stated that General Halleck reported the re- mark to Stanton, and Stanton forwarded Halleck's letter to the President, who remarked that men would speak their minds freely in this country. I have no idea that either Halleck or Stanton will press the subject farther. It would please Blair, I think, if they would.
Mr. Solicitor Whiting spent an hour at my house last evening. The principal topic of discussion was that of Re- construction. He maintains that the States which have
1864] RECONSTRUCTION DISCUSSED 85
seceded have no rights, — that they cannot resume position in the Union without consent, and the formation of a new constitution in each which excludes slavery. I denied the right of Congress to impose that condition on a State, like North Carolina for instance, and insisted that the States must be equal in political rights, — that if Massachusetts or any of the old States reserved and retained that power, it belonged as well to North Carolina. An amendment of the Constitution would be necessary abolishing slavery in all. Without meeting that point, he expressed a disbelief in the reserved right of Massachusetts on that subject. He denied that a majority, or the whole people, of North Caro- lina could establish or reestablish a government and con- tinue to be or to become a member of the Union after hav- ing been in rebellion, except by consent or permission. "Then," said I, "you recognize the right and the fact of secession." This he was unwilling to admit, but dwelt on international law, belligerent attitudes, and matters out- side of the Constitution to punish States inside. I asked what he would do with loyal citizens in Rebel States, — those who had never borne arms or done any act to forfeit their allegiance, men like John Minor Botts or Andrew Johnson, for instance. He maintained that being in States that rebelled they were to be treated like the Rebels.
Solicitor Whiting is self-sufficient but superficial, with many words, some reading, but no very sound or well- founded political views. Yet he considers himself a pater conscriptus, a teacher learned in the law and wise on the subject of government. Seward consults him, and Stanton uses him. He writes letters and opinions to order, gets up pamphlets; is serving without pay, and is careful to tell that fact. One of these years, sooner or later, let no one be surprised to find all his services fully compensated. Men who profess to serve the government gratuitously are usually better paid than others.
Met General Emory at Blair's. Has just come in from pursuit of the raiders, without overtaking them. Had quite
86 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [july25
a talk concerning matters on the Red River and our dis- aster there. He gives an interesting detail. Tells the old story of a multitude of fussy men who accompanied Banks with little carpet-bags filled with greenbacks, etc.
Donald McKay publishes a letter defending the Navy Department from newspaper attacks on the subject of the monitors. It is very well done and unexpected. The Even- ing Post publishes it, and so does the Times copy it, but not yet the Tribune.
Blair is sore and vexed because the President frequently makes a confidant and adviser of Seward, without consult- ing the rest of the Cabinet. I told him this had been the course from the beginning; Seward and Chase had each striven for the position of Special Executive Counsel; that it had apparently been divided between them, but Seward had outgeneraled or outintrigued Chase. The latter was often consulted when others were not, but often he was not aware of things which were intrusted to Seward (who was superserviceable) and managed by him.
July 26, Tuesday. Fessenden has got out an advertise- ment for a new loan and an address to the people in its be- half. Am not certain that the latter is judicious. Capital- ists will not as a general thing loan or invest for patriotism, but for good returns. The advertisement gives high inter- est, but accompanied by the appeal will excite doubt, rather than inspire confidence among the money-lenders. I am inclined to think he will get funds, for his plan is sensible and much wiser than anything of his predecessor. The idea with Chase seemed to be to pay low interest in money but high prices in irredeemable paper, a scheme that might have temporary success in getting friends and popularity with speculators but is ruinous to the country. The errors of Chase in this respect Mr. Fessenden seems inclined to correct, but other measures are wanted and I trust we shall have them.
Only Bates, Usher, and myself were at the Cabinet to-
18G4] ATTACK ON THE NAVY DEPARTMENT 87
day. Stanton sent over to inquire if his attendance was necessary.
There are rumors that the retreating Rebels have turned upon our troops in the valley, and that our forces, badly weakened by the withdrawal of the Sixth Army Corps, are retreating towards Harper's Ferry. This is not improbable. They may have been strengthened as our forces were weak- ened.
Rode out this evening, accompanied by Mrs. Welles, and spent an hour with the President and Mrs. Lincoln at the Soldiers' Home.
The papers contain a letter from Governor Letcher stat- ing that General Hunter gave the order for burning his (L.'s) house. I shall wish to hear from H. before believing that he could give such an order, and yet I confess I am not without apprehensions, for Hunter is not always possessed of so much prudence as one should have who holds so re- sponsible a position. The burning of the Institute at the same place and time was not creditable to the army, and if there is any justification or ameliorating circumstances, they should be made to appear. The crude and indefensi- ble notions of some of our people, however, are not general. Indiscriminate warfare on all in the insurrectionary region is not general, and few would destroy private property wantonly.
The New York papers are engaged in a covert and sys- tematic attack on the Navy Department, — covert so far as the Republican or Administration press is concerned. Greeley of the Tribune is secretly hostile to the President and assails him indirectly in this way; so of the Evening Post, a paper hitherto friendly but whose publisher is under bail for embezzlement and fraud which the Navy Depart- ment would not conceal. The Times is a profligate Seward and Weed organ, wholly unreliable and in these matters regardless of truth or principle. It supports the President because it is the present policy of Seward. The principal editor, Raymond, is an unscrupulous soldier of fortune, yet
88 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [july26
recently appointed Chairman of the Republican National Executive Committee. He and some of his colleagues are not to be trusted, yet these political vagabonds are the managers of the party organization. His paper, as well as others, are in a combination with Norman Wiard and pre- tenders like him against the monitors. Let the poor devils work at that question. The people will not be duped or misled to any great extent by them.
There are demonstrations for a new raid into Maryland and Pennsylvania. I told the President I trusted there would be some energy and decision in getting behind them, cutting them off, and not permitting them to go back, in- stead of a scare and getting forces to drive them back with their plunder. He said those were precisely his views and he had just been to see and say as much to Halleck. I in- quired how H. responded to the suggestion. The President said he was considering it, and was now wanting to ascer- tain where they had crossed the Potomac and the direction they had taken.
I apprehend it is not a large force, but a cavalry raid, which will move rapidly and create alarm. Likely they will go into the Cumberland Valley and then west, for they will scarcely take the old route to return. But these are crude speculations of mine. I get nothing from Halleck, and I doubt if he has any plan, purpose, or suggestion. Before he will come to a conclusion the raiders will have passed be- yond his reach.
XXII
The Fiasco at Petersburg — Welles's Lack of Confidence in Grant — At- torney-General Bates's Opinion of the Cabinet and of General Halleck
— Assault of Wade and Winter Davis upon the President for omitting to sign a Reconstruction Bill — Sheridan supersedes Hunter on the Upper Potomac — Party Assessments in the Brooklyn Navy Yard — Publication of the Niagara Peace Proceedings — Farragut passes Fort3 Morgan and Gaines — Count Gurowski and his Published Diary — The New York Press — Depredations by the Tallahassee — Outburst of Seward in the Cabinet — Unsuccessful Peace Proposals at Richmond
— The President's Opinion of Greeley — How Farragut was discovered
— Du Pont's Intriguing — The Character of Chase — Politics in the Brooklyn Navy Yard — Pressure from Massachusetts in Behalf of the Smith Brothers — Proposed Movement against Wilmington, N. C. — The Navy benefited by the Army Draft — McClellan nominated for President by the Democratic Convention.
August 1, Monday. We yesterday had word that our i'orces had mined and blown up a fortification in front of Petersburg. All sorts of stories were current, some of them absurdly wild and ridiculous. Petersburg was said to be in flames. Our army were reported to have undermined a large portion of the city. Men of sense gave credit to the absurdity. I went over to the War Department, and Stan- ton showed me a telegram from Grant, stating the mine had been sprung, but the result is inconclusive, and evid- ently, I think, a disappointment. Stanton seemed uncer- tain and confused.
Exciting and silly stories prevailed about the raid into Pennsylvania. Street rumors put the Rebels at 40,000, and the press states that number, but reports are contra- dictory. Am still of the opinion that the force is small and the scare great. Governor Curtin and all Harrisburg are doubtless in a ferment. Was told the bells in Harrisburg were all ringing an alarm. I asked if it included the dinner- bell of Governor Curtin, for he would be frantic to stir up the people, and never disbelieved the largest fib that was sent abroad.
90 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [AUG. 1
Had a letter from Tom this a.m., dated at Headquarters of the 18th Army Corps, at midnight of the 29th, stating an assault was to be made in the morning. Could not give details. There would be a sharp conflict, and he would do his duty. Bidding good-bye and sending love to all. This evening we hear from him after the fight, that he was well but tired and exhausted.
The President went yesterday to Fortress Monroe to meet General Grant, by prior arrangement, which made me distrust final operations at Petersburg, for if such were the fact, he could not well be absent. The President tells me the movement was well planned and well executed up to the closing struggle, when our men failed to do their duty. There must, I apprehend, have been fault in the officers also, — not Grant, who originates nothing, is dull and heavy, but persistent.
August 2, Tuesday. Judge Thomas and Mr. Train, coun- sel for Smith Brothers of Boston, had an interview of nearly two hours with me on Saturday, wishing the trial postponed, a different court, and that the trial should take place in Boston. They called and were with me half an hour yes- terday. Finally arranged that the trial should be post- poned four weeks, until Tuesday the 30th, although their friends had urged a speedy trial, but declined other changes. Two hours later the President sent for me and also for Mr. Fox. On going to the Executive Mansion, I found Messrs. Thomas and Train with the President, where they had gone over the whole subject that they had previously discussed with me. The President heard them kindly and then said he could not act without consulting me. I remarked that I had given the subject a hearing and examination, and supposed it was disposed of. The Pre- sident said he could not interfere, but should be glad if it could be arranged so as to give them time and also a trial at Boston.
I wrote a letter to Pickering, Winslow & Co., who, with
1S64] THE FIASCO AT PETERSBURG 91
certain Bostonians, wish to do something to assist the blockade. They hardly know what or how.
At the Cabinet, Messrs. Blair, Bates, and nryself were present. Fessenden and Usher are absent. Seward and Stanton had been there in advance. There is design in all this. Went over proceedings of the armies at Atlanta and Petersburg. Stanton dislikes to meet Blair in council, knowing that B. dislikes and distrusts him. Seward and Stanton move together in all matters, yet Seward fears a quarrel with Blair, and he tries to keep in with him and at the same time preserve his intimacy with Stanton. Both mouse about the President, who, in his intense interest and inquisitiveness, spends much of his time at the War De- partment, watching the telegraph. Of course, opportunities like these are not lost by Stanton, and, General Halleck being placed here indorsed by General Scott as the mil- itary adviser of the President, he has equal or greater ad- vantages to play the sycophant, and does so.
The explosion and assault at Petersburg on Saturday last appears to have been badly managed. The results were bad and the effect has been disheartening in the extreme. There must have been some defect or weakness on the part of some one or more. I have been waiting to get the facts, but do not yet get them to my satisfaction. It is stated in some of the letters written that lots were cast as to which corps and which officers should lead in the assault. I fear there may be truth in the report, but if so, and Grant was in it or cognizant of it, my confidence in him — never very great — would be impaired. I should not be sur- prised to learn that Meade committed such an act, for I do not consider him adequate to his high position, and yet I may do him injustice. My personal acquaintance with him is slight, but he has in no way impressed me as a man of breadth and strength or capabilities, and instead of select- ing and designating the officer for such a duty, it would be in accordance with my conceptions of him to say, Let any one, Cast lots, etc., but I shall be reluctant to believe this
92 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [aug. 2
of Grant, who is reticent and, I fear, less able than he is credited. He may have given the matter over to Meade, who has done this. Admiral Porter has always said there was something wanting in Grant, which Sherman could always supply, and vice versa, as regards Sherman, but that the two together made a very perfect general officer and they ought never to be separated. If Grant is confiding in Meade, — relying on him, as he did on Sherman, — Grant will make a failure, I fear, for Meade is not Sherman, nor the equal of Sherman. Grant relies on others, but does not know men, — can't discriminate. I feel quite unhappy over this Petersburg matter, — less, however, from the result, bad as it is, than from an awakening apprehension that Grant is not equal to the position assigned him. God grant that I may be mistaken, for the slaughtered thou- sands of my countrymen who have poured out their rich blood for three months on the soil of Virginia from the Wilderness to Petersburg under his generalship can never be atoned in this world or the next if he without Sherman prove a failure. A blight and sadness comes over me like a dark shadow when I dwell on the subject, a melancholy feeling of the past, a foreboding of the future. A nation's destiny almost has been committed to this man, and if it is an improper committal, where are we?
The consequence of the Petersburg failure, and the late successful raid of the Rebels, will embolden them to our injury. They will take courage, keep fewer troops to man their batteries at Richmond, and send more to harass our frontiers, perhaps to strengthen Hood in opposing Thomas and Sherman.
In the mean time, where is Halleck and what is he doing? I hear nothing of him, do not see him. The President goes to advise with him, but I do not think he is ever wiser or better for these interviews.
Seward and Stanton make themselves the special confid- ants of the President, and they also consult with Halleck, so that the country is in a great degree in the hands of this
1864] BATES ON THE CABINET 93
triumvirate, who, while they have little confidence in each other, can yet combine to control or influence the President, who is honest.
Attorney-General Bates, who spent last evening with me, opened his heart freely as regards the Cabinet. Of Blair he thought pretty well, but said he felt no intimacy with, or really friendly feelings for, any one but me; that I had his confidence and respect, and had from our first meeting. Mr. Seward had been constantly sinking in his estimation; that he had much cunning but little wisdom, was no lawyer and no statesman. Chase, he assures me, is not well versed in law principles even, — is not sound nor of good judgment. General Halleck he had deliberately charged with intentional falsehood and put it in writing, that there should be no mistake or claim to have misappre- hended him. He regretted that the President should have such a fellow near him.
August 4, Thursday. This day is set apart for fasting, humiliation, and prayer. There is much wretchedness and great humiliation in the land, and need of earnest prayer.
General Hooker has arrived from Atlanta, having left in a pet because General Howard was given McPherson's position. He is vain, has some good and fighting qualities and thinks highly and too much of himself.
August 5, Friday. Only four of us with the President to- day. Mr. Fessenden has gone to Maine. Seward and Stan- ton were absent when the rest were there.
I was with the President on Wednesday when Governor Morgan was there, and the President produced the corre- spondence that had passed between himself and Chase at the time C. resigned. It was throughout characteristic. I do not think the event was wholly unexpected to either, and yet both were a little surprised. The President fully understands Chase and had made up his mind that he would not be again overridden in his own appointments.
94 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [aug. $
Chase, a good deal ambitious and somewhat presuming, felt he must enforce his determinations, which he had al- ways successfully carried out. In coming to the conclusion that a separation must take place, the President was prompted by some, and sustained by all, his Cabinet with- out an exception. Chase's retirement has offended no- body, and has gratified almost everybody.
I told Blair as we left the Executive Mansion to-day that I felt depressed in consequence of the result at Petersburg, beyond what I ought from the fight itself, in consequence of impaired confidence in Grant. He tried to encourage me and partially succeeded. I do not distrust or depreciate General G. ; but, if he has ability, I think he needs a better second in command, a more competent executive officer than General Meade, and he should have known that fact earlier. The knowledge of the worth of our generals is often purchased at too great a cost of blood and treasure. It is dear tuition.
August 6, Saturday. I had a telegram from Tom this morning, stating that Colonel Stedman was mortally wounded and would probably not survive the night, that General Ord desired his promotion without delay, that it might be received before his death, and wishing me to call at once on the President. I did so, who responded readily to the recommendation, and I then, at his request, saw Secretary Stanton, who met me in the right spirit.
While at the President's Blair came in, and the President informed us he had a telegram from Greeley, desiring the publication of the whole peace correspondence. Both Blair and myself advised it, but the President said he had tele- graphed Greeley to come on, for he desired him to erase some of the lamentations in his longest letter. I told him while I regretted it was there, the whole had better be pub- lished. Blair said it would have to come to that ultimately. But the President thought it better that that part should be omitted.
1864] AN ASSAULT ON THE PRESIDENT 95
I remarked that I had seen the Wade and Winter Davis protest. He said, Well, let them wriggle, but it was strange that Greeley, whom they made their organ in pub- lishing the protest, approved his course and therein dif- fered from the protestants. The protest is violent and abusive of the President, who is denounced with malignity for what I deem the prudent and wise omission to sign a law prescribing how and in what way the Union shall be reconstructed. There are many offensive features in the law, which is, in itself, a usurpation and abuse of authority. How or in what way or ways the several States are to put themselves right — retrieve their position — is in the fu- ture and cannot well be specified. There must be latitude given, and not a stiff and too stringent policy pursued in this respect by either the Executive or Congress. We have a Constitution, and there is still something in popular gov- ernment.
In getting up this law it was as much an object of Mr. Winter Davis and some others to pull down the Adminis- tration as to reconstruct the Union. I think they had the former more directly in view than the latter. Davis's con- duct is not surprising, but I should not have expected that Wade, who has a good deal of patriotic feeling, common sense, and a strong, though coarse and vulgar, mind, would have lent himself to such a despicable assault on the Pre- sident.
There is, however, an infinity of party and personal in- trigue just at this time. A Presidential election is approach- ing, and there are many aspirants, not only for Presidential but other honors or positions. H. Winter Davis has a good deal of talent but is rash and uncertain. There is scarcely a more ambitious man, and no one that cannot be more safely trusted. He is impulsive and mad and has been acute and contriving in this whole measure and has drawn Wade, who is ardent, and others into it. Sumner, I perceived, was bitten before he left Washington. Whether he has improved I am not informed. Sumner is not a constitutionalist, but
96 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [atjg. 6
more of a centralist than the generality of our people, and would be likely to sanction what seem to me some of the more offensive features of this bill. Consolidating makes it more a government of the people than of the States.
The assaults of these men on the Administration may break it down. They are, in their earnest zeal on the part of some, and ambition and malignity on the part of others, doing an injury that they cannot repair. I do not think Winter Davis is troubled in that respect, or like to be, but I cannot believe otherwise of Wade and others; yet the conduct of Wade for some time past, commencing with the organization of the present Congress in December last, has, after the amnesty proclamation and conciliatory policy of reconstruction, been in some respects strange and difficult to be accounted for, except as an aspiring factionist. I am inclined to believe that he has been bitten with the Pre- sidential fever, is disappointed, and, in his disappointment, with a vague, indefinite hope that he may be successful, prompted and stimulated not only by Davis but Colfax, he has been flattered to do a foolish act.
August 8, Monday. Going into the War Department yesterday morning to inquire if any tidings had been re- ceived concerning Colonel Stedman of the 11th Connecti- cut Infantry, who was wounded, probably mortally, on Friday, I found the President with General Grant, Stan- ton, and General Halleck in the Secretary's room. I pro- posed leaving on making the single inquiry, provided they were in secret council, but the President and General Grant declared they were not, for me. Learning that poor Sted- man was dead, and that some little intelligence had been received from Mobile, I soon left, for there was, it appeared to me, a little stiffness as if I had interrupted proceedings. General Grant has been to Frederick and placed Sheridan in command of the forces on the upper Potomac instead of Hunter, which is a good change, for H., though violently earnest, is not exactly the man for that command. I think
1864] POLITICS IN THE NAVY YARD 97
him honest and patriotic, which are virtues in these days, but he has not that discretion and forbearance sufficient to comprehend rightly the position that was given him.
Mr. Seward sent me to-day some strange documents from Raymond, Chairman of the National Executive Com- mittee. I met R. some days since at the President's, with whom he was closeted. At first I did not recognize Ray- mond, who was sitting near the President conversing in a low tone of voice. Indeed, I did not look at him, supposing he was some ordinary visitor, until the President re- marked, "Here he is; it is as good a time as any to bring up. the question." I was sitting on the sofa but then went for-, ward and saw it was Raymond. He said there were com-, plaints in relation to the Brooklyn Navy Yard; that we were having, and to have, a hard political battle the ap- proaching fall, and that the fate of two districts and that of King's County also depended upon the Navy Yard. It was, he said, the desire of our friends that the masters in the yard should have the exclusive selection and dismissal of hands, instead of having them subject to revision by the Commandant of the yard. The Commandant himself they wished to have removed. I told him such changes could not well be made and ought not to be made. The present or- ganization of the yard was in a right way, and if there were any abuses I would have them corrected.
He then told me that in attempting to collect a party assessment at the yard, the Naval Constructor had ob- jected, and on appealing to the Commandant, he had ex- pressly forbidden the collection. This had given great dissatisfaction to our party friends, for these assessments had always been made and collected under preceding administrations. I told him I doubted if it had been done, — certainly not in such an offensive and public manner; that I thought it very wrong for a party committee to go into the yard on pay-day and levy a tax on each man as he received his wages for party purposes; that I was aware parties did strange things in New York, but there was no 2
98 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [aug. 8
law or justice in it, and the proceeding was, in my view, inexcusable and indefensible ; that I could make no record enforcing such assessment ; that the matter could not stand investigation. He admitted that the course pursued was not a politic one, but he repeated former administrations had practiced it. I questioned it still, and insisted that it was not right in itself. He said it doubtless might be done in a more quiet manner. I told him if obnoxious men, open and offensive opponents of the Administration, were there, they could be dismissed. If the Commandant interposed to sustain such men, as he suggested might be the case, there was an appeal to the Department; whatever